America vs. The Rest with Alastair Campbell

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Hey everybody, welcome to the weekly show podcast. My name is John Stewart. It is Tuesday,

March 24th. We are in between deadlines, I think, with Iran. And I wanted to get a sense

right now. You know, we talk a lot about, geez, how did we get here? And Trump is just

impulsive. He didn't do it the right way. But I seem to remember there were other wars that

we've gotten into that we did get into the right way. But we're equally as full hearty and useless

speaking, of course, of Iraq and perhaps Libya and a variety of the things that I thought,

well, let me get, I'd like to get the perspective of someone that I met years ago who was active

in the Tony Blair administration over in the United Kingdom. And I thought he was behind the

scenes there. He has a great perspective on the inner workings of how we ended up going to war

in Iraq and lots of the other. And I'm sure opinions about NATO and Donald Trump and all kinds

of other things. So I'm just going to get to it. I'm excited to talk to him again. It's been a

long time, but please welcome an old friend, Alistair Campbell.

We are joined thank goodness from someone who can give us the view from across the Atlantic.

Our special relationship, it's Alistair Campbell, co-host of the rest is politics podcast, but

obviously Alistair Campbell writer, podcaster, campaigner strategist, work with Tony Blair,

worked with every labor politician, known to band. And a co-host with our good friend,

Roy Stewart, Alistair. John, thank you so much for such a lovely welcome.

It was a lovely welcome, wasn't it? It's a delight to see you again. It's been, it's been

too many years. And I have to say what an exciting time to reconnect as the world, we're doing it

again, Alistair. Welcome to another episode of the exciting series. Let's go to war in the Middle

East. Yeah. Well, I remember you once absolutely skewed me at the end of one of you. I would never

you did. It was well done though, because I saw I've got what this is on the daily show. And I

thought, and I just published my first volume of diaries, I thought, and I was really on a roll

when I was getting through it. And I say, look, this, this book is just trying to show that in the

end, politicians are just human beings. And you just said like Iraqis and moved away. And

on to the next item. So you did well. Yeah, you did well. Right. Well, yeah. Well, it was,

look, well, look, famously, you were with Tony Blair, you wrote his speeches, you were his press

editor during that time in the run up to the Iraq war. So from your vantage point, how does

this Iran war differ? How does the relationship between the United States and a great Britain

differ in the run up to this? And what are your general thoughts on what we're seeing?

Well, I think the first thing to say is that the, you know, I know that a lot of people will

now say because of the way the intelligence planned out that we got it wrong. But there was a

genuine belief that there was a growing threat from Saddam Hussein, which I don't believe there

was anybody beyond Donald Trump saying there was a growing threat from Iran right now to the United

States. The second thing I would say the big difference is that Congress was involved.

And even though there were people in the American administration at the time,

notably Dick Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld didn't particularly want to go down the United Nations

George W. Bush at least tried to get some kind of agreement through the United Nations.

I think then the other thing I would say in relation to the so-called special relationship,

and I don't even know that John is 80 years to the weak that that phrase was first coined in a speech.

Yep. In a speech by Churchill. Did you write that speech, Alice?

No, I'm only 68. I would have written it. I would obviously have thought of that.

Do you know why I think it's really interesting when you go back and read that speech?

Yeah. He wasn't saying this is a special relationship from the point of view of an equal.

If you read it carefully, you get the feeling that he's saying that we really want this to be a

special relationship. Now it has been on many, many levels, but it's become a bit of a cliche

the special relationship. So how Wilson famously did not support America with troops in the

Vietnam War, and it kind of survived. But I think at the time of the Iraq War, Tony Blair was pretty,

he was absolutely sure that if unless there was a fundamental breach on the approach,

then we had to be with the Americans. What I think you've seen here is Keir Starmer, the British

Prime Minister, who is on record as saying, we have to learn some lessons from the Iraq War,

and one of them is you have to be pretty sure that you're going into something where you know

what you're going into. You have to be pretty sure about the legality. And I mean, Trump has thrown

his toys out the prime several times at Starmer because Starmer would not engage in the initial attacks.

But I think, and he's basically said you can use our bases, but only for defensive purposes,

et cetera. But that has clearly upset Trump. I don't think fundamentally it's upset the kind of

meat of the special relationship. I sense as the intelligence agency still work together pretty

well, the defense people work together pretty well. But we're in a different era. I don't think

we're in a different era because of any change on our side in our attitudes to the United States

of America. But I think we're in a different era because of the personality and the character

of Trump and this administration. Do you wonder, you know, that's an interesting point because

I wonder if we're in a different era because people view authority and expertise and government

differently that are adventures in Iraq. So eroded the credibility. I mean, I think you can draw

kind of a straight line between United States interventionism and maybe even the immigration crisis

in Europe and Brexit. And that, you know, it's so interesting because you talk about Blair. I thought

Blair and Bush seemed like peers that there was a relationship of, I don't want to say

equals because I think the arrogance of the United States wouldn't allow, wouldn't allow for

equals. Starmer bless his heart who came in on such a rush and whose popularity is now somewhere

between Liz Truss and Liz Truss' lettuce. You know, he doesn't seem to be on that same level.

And so is the relationship changed? And maybe that's because nobody can be with Trump because he

won't allow it. He considers himself a pharaoh. So it's impossible to have that kind of relationship.

Well, I mean, it was so interesting about this is over the course of the first part of Trump's

second term. Keir Starmer seemed to be developing that relationship in that. Now, I always thought it

was likely to collapse because as you say, I don't think Trump recognizes or appreciates anybody

apart from himself. But Keir Starmer, who's not a showy guy, but you know, the whole thing of

dipping into his pocket and pulling out the letter and the invitation from the king. It was so bad.

Okay. So it felt so obsequious when he said, this has never happened before. You know,

and when he pulled it out, I thought, oh my god, it's a target gift card. What is that that he's

gotten his pocket? It's a letter from the king. A letter from the king. And of course, in Trump's head,

Trump basically thinks he's the king of your country. Sure. So Keir Starmer is like bringing this

misive from the actual head of your country, the king. So that was even though as you say, you could

cringe at it and you cringed at it. And maybe I cringed a little bit. But at the same time,

it did the job. And then the state visit came along. And for a while, so for example, take the

tariffs. Trump did seem for a while that he wanted to be a little bit nicer to the UK than he

was being to others. Okay. Now, what seems to really royally pissed him off is the fact that when

he picked up the phone and said, oh, by the way, BB's been on the phone here and we're bombing

here and tomorrow. And it'd be great if you guys came along. And that seems to me was the level

of preparation he was expecting a yes answer to. That's right. Keir Starmer said no. Now, where

you're also right, Keir Starmer is not a kind of Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Barack Obama kind of

politician. And I think part of the reason maybe why he got a landslide victory here is because

this country was sick of people like Boris Johnson being Prime Minister. And people like Donald

Trump being dominating the debate the whole time. And therefore, why don't we get somebody a bit

more serious, a bit of a lawyer? And that has not in terms of certainly if you look at the polls,

that has not worked out. Well, do you think that's because, you know, in some respects, he gets in

on this huge movement towards labor. And then he decides, my best strategy is, what if we guard

governed like a sort of faturism like like we go with austerity and we go and everybody was like,

wait, I mean, it really has fueled the more extremes, I think, in England, the way that he's

gone about it has written Britain, Britain, sorry UK Britain, you can say England, you say England,

I met UK, I met Britain, I met Great Britain. You met Great Britain. That's what I met. Yeah,

well, you're right, it has, it has, it has. But you have to ask yourself whether that would have

happened anywhere in Europe right now. Now, it's interesting, this week has actually been very,

very interesting. You had some big elections in France at the weekend for all the mayors.

And the far right did not do as well as they expected to. You had Maloney yesterday losing a

referendum on judicial reform. Here, finally, I think we have through peak forage and he's

starting to dip in the polls. So I'm more confident. You can never have peak forage. You know that.

John. Now, why is that even forage is backing away from Trump at this moment? Is it that Trump

is, although he did visit him at Mar-a-Lago, I think last year, we didn't see him, we didn't see him.

Oh, well, if you can't get an audience with the king, he was stood up, he was stood up by the king.

Yeah. You know why? He should have told him, I have in my pocket. And then he would have been ushered

in and been given a greeting there. Are we, look, I want to go back to this because you were with,

you said something earlier that I thought was really interesting. There was a sincere belief

that Saddam Hussein was a growing danger. And that, that is why. I don't think there's any question

that the Ayatollah in Iran was a danger. But is that the bar that we now look at as intervention?

And is it possible that the lesson of Iraq and Afghanistan and now Iran and all the way back

to Sykes Pico and whatever else we want to take it to? Is that the West can influence, but they

can't control. And that if we don't learn the difference between those two, we are destined

for these utterly foreseeable consequences of our kind of cavalier and arrogant interventions.

Well, I certainly see this one more clearly in that light than I did Afghanistan and Iraq at the time.

But if you, if you look at the... Why, why though, Alistair? Well, partly because, partly because I was there

and we were trying to, because we did believe what we were saying, because we were trying to build

a coalition and there was a coalition of sorts that was being built. But to be absolutely honest,

I think because of the motivation of Trump, you know, Trump is such a huge and consequential figure.

And if you have a view as settled as mine, that he is a moral, that he is all about himself,

that he is corrupt, that he is enriching himself and his family and his friends as he sort of,

you know, maraudes around the place. Yes. I have to dig really, really deep to find a positive

motivation. Now, that being said, that being said, Iran is a horrible regime. But I think what you're

saying in your question is actually to the point that maybe given the cost of Afghanistan and the

fact that Taliban are back in charge, now, I would argue Iraq is a better country than it was,

but I accept there was a massive cost in life, in money and all the rest. But I wonder what you

were saying is, isn't it better, unless arrogant, for the West to do what it can to pursue a policy

of containment about some of these threats that we see in different parts of the world. And that

was what the JCPOA was all about. I think that's exactly what I'm saying. And if you look at, so

we have a view that violence can solve any of these issues. We did it in, you know, it wasn't just

Iraq and Afghanistan. It was Libya. It was Syria. We were arming rebel groups as we went through

there. And we can talk about is Iraq in a better place than it was under Saddam Hussein. I think the

question is, is that our decision to make, you know, America seems to forget that in trying

in our constitution is this idea that people would like to be in charge of their own governments,

the taxation without representation. I won't get into the whole thing. You may have read about it

years ago about what I indeed I have indeed I have. But this idea that we can say to Iranians,

your government is terrible and you're suffering and they clearly are and they clearly hate them

and they clear it. And so we're going to make the decision as we did in Iraq and now that you'll

be better off. And that's the arrogance that I'm talking about. China, China does it a different

way. They say I'm going to influence you through infrastructure or I'm going to flood your markets

with cheap goods. But it's certainly different than how the West does it. I totally agree with that.

And I think that is a lesson that Keir Starmer was pointing to when he said we have to learn some

of the lessons of these past interventions. And I think you're in a, we're in a place in the world

right now exacerbated by the character and the personality of the current incumbent occupant

of the White House. You mentioned Brexit earlier. I would argue that Brexit was an indication

of a country, our country, for whatever reason deciding to go along with its own decline.

Okay. I think your choice of Trump for a second term is an indication of America deciding to go

along with its own decline. And the arrogance that you talk about when you hear that that

vile hexath sort of spring is with stuff from the Bible and telling us about what to believe and

all this stuff whilst clearly glorifying in the sense of domination and violence of other people.

It's, it's almost sexual for him. It almost feels as though it's, it's erotic.

Wow. This, I mean, I'm, I'm, that is a horrible thought that I'd never had before.

Oh, you got to, you got to watch him. You got to watch him more. There's a reveling in it.

There is a reveling no doubt about it. He came out the other day, no quarter, no mercy,

no, like just blatantly saying like, you know those things that we came up after World War

II to try and prevent the horrors? Yeah. We're getting rid of all that. Yeah. We're just going in.

Might make it right. Stupid rules of engagement. Stupid rules of engagement. When did you ever

think of somebody that has some authority over the worst weapons in the entire universe?

Never.

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And I, we told the Ruhrin Stewart and I, do you love sharing the name with the UK's top

podcaster? I made mine up completely. So yeah, I do love it. It's a bit, I could have gone with

anything. I could have gone with your vase. I could have done anything. But you know, I quoted

yesterday when we were recording this week's podcast that a piece in the New York Times last week

by a guy called Phil Clay. He said he's a novelist now, but he was served in the military and

he served in Iraq and he was saying similar things about the Iraq war that you've just been saying.

But he did say at least I knew what I was doing. The American military involved in this, they

do not know what they're doing because every day they get given a different message. One minute

is killing Khameney, the next minute is Newkes, the next minute is Ballistics, the next minute's

bringing peace to the Middle East. And the one that completely did my head in, Scott Besson

being challenged about the rising oil price says it's worth 50 days of temporary price rises

for 50 years of peace in the Middle East. The idea that this is bringing peace to the Middle East

is nuts. And the other thing that I would also say is, you know, we start debating sort of the

methodology behind how they did it. Like, well, if they had only gone and made a better case or

things without really getting to the question of should we be doing these things at all, not

whether or not we should do it more forthrightly or we should settle on just one reason because

that's, listen, we all remember Iraq was very well coordinated as far as building a coalition

going to the United Nations. Now, it all turned out to be bullshit, but at least they respected

us enough to go through the process of lying to us, you know, reasonably, well, now we're starting

to say, well, why didn't they do it that way? As opposed to I'm talking about a more fundamental

question within the West, which is don't we have to rethink what danger, as you said, is acceptable.

In a world of these growing weapons that containment seems to be the only thing you can

reasonably do. It's almost as though we're saying, no, the recipe for war is you start to

seed it early that there's a growing danger. Then you start to build allies towards what your

end goal is, as long as you give Americans a clear distinction of what your three aims are,

like once you get to three aims and you've presented evidence, now you've fulfilled your licensing

requirements for war and you may do it. Aren't we making a mistake by criticizing that part of it,

rather than the actual bombing part of it? Well, I do think on this that it's

possible to criticize every aspect of this. Yes, no, I'm not, yeah, you know what I'm saying.

Yeah, I generally say, but I find that one of the things I find so stunning about Trump

is the extent to it. Your media in particular, but our media does exactly the same.

Treating him like this is a normal president. Donald Trump has said this. Donald Trump has

posted this. Donald Trump said, and we then analyze it and we try to find what we think the

thinking behind it might be. And I suspect we're nearly always wrong. How would you treat him as a

non-nor? I'm curious as to what that would look like. I'll give you an example. I'll give you an

example. This week, Robert Mueller dies. Yes. Okay. So Robert Mueller, we know that Trump hates him.

Trump puts out a tweet saying, I'm glad he's dead. Okay. With all respect to Robert Mueller,

I think that is the story about Robert Mueller's death. But what happens is because we think,

well, Trump's just kind of firing one of his mad rants off, we just, we say, Robert Mueller has

died, the man who investigated Trump over there has died. The normalization of utterly abnormal

behavior for a president, any president, listen, John, there are people that I really don't like in

the world. And when they die, I won't say anything, right? What I won't do is say, I'm really glad

they're dead. Okay. It is actually abnormal. So what I think we do, when you say what would you do with

the, it showed growth though, Halister, because if you, if you saw what he said after Rob Reiner was

murdered, this is real growth. He's gone from being kind of a man, baby, too. Now he's in his

angsty teenage years like, I don't care if you're dead. I wish you were dead. Now he's, he's like a

petulant teenager now where he used to be just a giant fucking baby. What was the vis-a-vis Charlie

Kirk when people like me who were saying nothing were being attacked on social media by the

Maggie crowd for saying, for saying nothing, for not saying that he was a saint. He was a hypocrite

and a contradictory figure. The point is we do talk about this. I have to tell you like 24-hour

news cycles, but here's how we talk about it. News anchors will bring on a Republican politician,

and they'll say to that Republican politician, and you've had this game played out. Yeah.

Having been in the press and they'll say to that politician, was that appropriate for the president

to say that? And then they'll say some version of, I think Scott Besson even said on the weekend shows,

well, you have to have some grace for President Trump knowing what we've put his family through.

They're basically calling for empathy in an emotional state that is

utterly missing from that entirety of that movement. My point is though, he's the president.

How do you have to deal with the reality that we're all facing? And I guess the policy should be,

as we're talking about, containment? Yeah, absolutely. He's with him.

Totally with him. Here's another example though. I know he lies so much, and he misrepresentes

so mild. Right. But it seems to me that most of the media has given up even pointing that out.

So now, I know he chooses his own friends. He'll do Fox and friends, and he'll phone up his

podcast friends, and therefore they don't check him. But even even the media that is

not normally completely in this pocket, to my mind, they just don't do enough of saying, excuse me,

that is wrong. I'll give you another example. Caitlin Collins from CNN,

or any of those reporters when he suddenly turns on a reporter in one of those press conferences.

That's right. And none of them got the balls just to stand up and say, excuse me,

you do not talk to our colleagues like that. No. And if you don't like what I'm saying,

kickers all out. In fact, she's on an island in a lot of respects because she's relentless.

And she does stay with it. The thing that you're doing, she does. That you're talking about,

she will hold them to account, but they don't look. You know this as well as anybody having

worked in the press. Politicians learn how to use whatever form of communication. There is

against them. When television first came out, and politicians didn't quite understand the

medium, it didn't know how to use it. There was, I don't know if you remember, the Kennedy

Nixon debate was a huge, it was the first time it was televised. And politicians didn't understand

the medium. And so Kennedy went on television, looking like Kennedy tanned and rested and

buff and dressed and Nixon was like, make up. What do I need make up for? I'm smartest.

So the sweat came. Right. So he sweated. And if you watched it on television, you said,

oh my god, Kennedy wiped the floor with them. And if you heard it on the radio, you said,

Nixon won. Politicians learn how to manipulate the form. Right. But they learned. Okay. But my point

is, I sense, not guys like you, the satire is a different world. The satirist can have a

field day. But the guys who and put Fox News to once, well, we're impudent. I mean, to a large

extent, yeah, frustration on satire is it's an impudent form. Well, up to a point. But my point,

it's, it's less impotent. If the guys who are in the room and on the plane, and I know how it

works, you they're worried that if they call him out, they don't get more access from my view.

But look at the credibility of the Pentagon. Now, you can talk about Hexath and all these sort

of sexual desires for bombing raids and all that stuff. But the fact is, what those reporters

who refused to go by these new rules and walked out, they have helped further to undermine his

credibility. No question. Down the track, that becomes a problem for Hexath. Okay. Now, my point is

with Trump. And by the way, I think the other politicians, I'll give you an example of this. And

I'm saying, yeah, yeah. So let's say when Trump was over here, he was in Scotland, he was doing

something with one of his golf courses. Keir Starmer flies up from London. But Scotland, as I

reminded you earlier, is part of the United Kingdom. He is prime minister of the United Kingdom.

Donald Trump was behaving like he was the host. So I was pissed off with that for the start. But

then the next thing that happened was wireless. They bring in the press and he's doing one of his

mad rambles. And he starts going off on one at Sadiq Khan, the mayor of London, who he doesn't like

because he happens to have very brown skin. Okay. So he hates Sadiq Khan and he never misses an

opportunity. So he's sitting in Scotland as a guest of our prime minister, even though he's

treating him like he's the host. And he starts. Now, if I had to be in Keir Starmer sitting there,

I would have just lent over put my hand on his arm and said, Mr. President, when I go to the

United States, I don't attack American politicians and I don't expect you to do it here. We've got

to call this guy out. Oh, would that have been a moment? Well, it would. And by the way, I think it

would have enhanced Starmer's reputation and actually done him a world of good politically. Not

not only would it have been morally right, but it would have actually been politically advantageous

for him. And it might have stopped him doing it again. It might not, but it doesn't matter. It

doesn't matter. What I think has to happen, Mark Carney's Davos speech, the principles in that

speech are what should be applied now because there's barely a leader in the world, apart from Donald

Trump, who thinks anything other than what he's done in the last month is a catastrophe.

No question. Economically, strategically, politically, the law. Well, I think Vladimir Putin would

disagree. We can come. I think he's quite excited about what Donald Trump has done. We could

come on Tim. I should have inserted the words democratically elected. I get that. Right.

But they're all having to deal with the fallout. Yes. From what is essentially a catastrophic

misjudgment by a terrible president. Now, I'm not suggesting that Keir Starmer stands up and says,

this is a catastrophic misjudgment by a terrible president. But I think all of them should get

together and say, we have been put in this position because the American administration has decided

to completely upend the world order. We, therefore, have to start to design and devise the world

order that follows this. And if the Americans are... I mean, there have been rumblings of that.

Rumblings? Rumblings are fine. Yeah. But what Trump doesn't rumble, he does the big-bowl brushstrokes.

And we need a few... Carney's Davos speech was a big-bowl brushstroke. We need more of them.

It's really difficult to accomplish that when you're not dictator-y, when you're not authoritarian,

because they aren't... Look, you know, as well as I do, you know, Europe couldn't even get a certain

package to the Ukrainians, because one country, Hungary, that's more aligned with Vladimir Putin,

had the final saying it. So you're dealing with structural difficulties within democratic systems

that make that kind of action much more difficult. The second thing that you're dealing with is

the vindictive whims of an impulsive man-baby who has the full power and backing of the United States

military and economic force. And he wields it punitively. And so you've also... I think he has put you

all in a great dilemma through his actions. The thing that I want to sort of get back to

is the idea that you can look at Iraq and Afghanistan and Libya as examples of

we weren't being run by an authoritarian man-baby. We did go to our allies and make the case.

We were working through the United Nations and collaborating with allies and not dismissing

them and diminishing them. And we got the same fucking results. That's the thing that I'm trying to get.

You know, if we talk to Tony... I don't know if you talk to Tony Blair anymore. Okay. Tony Blair,

my guess is, and you can tell me if this is wrong, would be for intervention in Iran,

or at least would lean towards making the case of the United Kingdom, Great Britain,

joining early on in a coalition of our great friend and neighbor, the United States,

and taking this military action. Would that be fair?

Well, I have discussed it with him because he...

All right. Well, you know that.

Well, because I'll tell you why, because our newspapers a couple of weeks ago were full of a story

that he was at a private meeting where he said something along those lines. So I said...

He said something along the lines of...

Well, the papers said that. He said something along the lines of, we should be involved in this.

Okay. Since when?

So since when, since when, I have basically said, Tony, what the fuck?

And what he says he said is that, because this was a kind of chatroom house thing,

he said that, you know, in an ideal world...

Off the record. Off the record.

Which, as you and I know, does not exist, particularly at that level.

So he was basically saying in an ideal world, Britain should be alongside the United States,

and he was saying that around as a terrible regime.

So he wasn't quite saying what you were saying, but he was saying enough for those headlines

to be written, and those headlines were not good for Keir Starmer.

So I did something I don't normally do on my podcast. I mildly rebuked my former boss,

just a mild rebuked job.

Now, what does he do in that scenario? Does he, do you end up, does the red phone go off?

And you get the rest of the red phone got taken away years ago.

It's just, now, if he says, I want to do, you know, I think Iran is a terrible thing,

and maybe we should be joining in. Does he lose his seat on the board of peace?

Does that, is that what happens?

Oh, well, that's the question you'd have to put to your president.

I don't know. When does the board of peace meet to discuss what's going on in Iran?

Well, it has met, hasn't it? I believe it has.

But not to discuss Iran, yeah.

I believe the board of peace, it was like Uzbekistan and Tony and a couple of other people.

But yeah, I do wonder, do you have confidence that NATO can exert the kind of pressure

on the United States to contain some of our worst impulses now that this president is in charge?

Oh, look, where you, no, that's not, that was not optimistic.

That was, that was all of the air leaving your body.

Well, where your current president, like his several of his predecessors, has a point,

is that Europe did kind of take American security and the peace dividend for granted,

okay? We slightly inhale the end of history and we're all going to be nice liberal democracies.

But the Americans have got the, but the Americans have got the big stuff and they've got,

Americans always going to be big player in NATO and we're all part of NATO.

Trump, go back to term one. This is why I was so worried about Trump getting term two and being

more organized. He was always unpevelled about NATO. I've reached, you know, NATO exists as a

defensive alliance and through the Cold War, who was, what was NATO's core basic enemy?

It was the old Soviet Union. Sure.

What was Vladimir Putin done, or is he trying to do, he's trying to recreate that sense of the old

Soviet Union with, and Russian head Germany. Now, I, I have reached a point of feeling,

and as we know, Kaskarolin Levit tells us, you know, feelings are very important because

he felt that it's in his balance. He felt something and that would tell him what to do.

But, you know, I've reached the feeling that Trump is on Putin's side when it comes to

Ukraine. Well, if you're on Putin's side, you're not on NATO's side. And the other thing which

makes me really worry about NATO is that he continues to talk this nonsense about both Canada

and more significantly about Greenland. You know, and in South Danish troops and in South British

troops, they kept away from the frontline in Afghanistan when, you know, substantial numbers

of them died. And so it's hard to, and then you throw it in. We had a guest on the podcast

last week, Pedro Sanchez, the Spanish Prime Minister. I mean, you know, who has seen his profile

raised dramatically for doing to Trump exactly what you believe Starmer should have done with a

hand on the leg. He did it in a sort of a bolder, more pronouncement of, no, we're not getting

involved in this. He did it in relation to this. I think Kierstarm has got to the right position

on this. And he's expressed it in the right way. He's done it in a way that has not offended

Trump. And it shouldn't threaten the needle. Yeah, exactly. Whereas Sanchez is absolutely out there.

And if you listen to the interview, he goes even further in saying that all sorts of stuff about

Trump that Trump would not like to hear. But was it accurate where the thing he was saying

accurate? Yeah, I would say so. 100%. There you go. But here's the other thing about Trump.

Because I think, look, you know, there's, you've studied politicians and you've studied,

you know, big characters for a long time in your life, never underestimate the power of hubris.

If you think about some of the things that Trump did in the past, and you think about a

psychology, it comes in first term. And the whole narrative around it is he's having to be

surrounded by grown-ups. And he gets rid of them and he sacks them left right center in the whole

senses of chaos. Second time around, project 2025, Stephen Miller, they're much better organized.

They know what they're going to do. They're going to just, you know, musk with these nonsense

with doge and all that. They're going to come in. It's going to be different. And it is different

this time. And what I think he, so he's thinking, right, they told me, all these experts, they told

me, if I move the Israeli embassy to Jerusalem, there's going to be, there's going to be fucking mayhem

in the Middle East. Didn't happen. If I go into Venezuela and chop Maduro's legs and take him out,

and it was to be fair, you know, if you're looking at purely militarily as an operation, it was

impressive, okay? You get the guy, you take him out, and then you do a little deal with Delciord

Rodriguez and things calm down. So everybody said to me, if I take out Maduro, there's going to be

absolute chaos in Latin America. Didn't happen. He then thinks, if I, and he's got Epstein coming out,

Mepstein, Epstein, Epstein, Epstein, he wants it out of the news. I don't know if that's the

motivation, but it's a part of it, I guess. He thinks he's going to do the same Iran. So when he says

my message to the Iranian people is, is we do this, you rise up and take control of your country,

he thinks that's going to happen. Then when he sees it doesn't, he has to have a new narrative,

so the narrative changes. And of course, he's got the difference between any previous president

is he has got a public opinion, a large chunk of it that is going to stay with him whatever he does.

When he said he could shoot somebody on Fifth Avenue and his base would forgive him, I'm afraid it's

true. I'm afraid it's true, but I also think that the laws of Icarus will always prevail. And

to be fair, he has lived a life of very little accountability for what could ostensibly be considered

truly awful actions or irresponsible actions, whether it be through bankruptcies or through

personal, let's call them foibles. But there's never been, he's never really been held to account.

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So, Alasair, do you have an idea if Trump is for Putin? And I don't disagree with that.

But I also think it's not necessarily that it's NATO and Putin. It's that the United States and

Trump right now favor right-wing populist government. If the old world order was communism versus

democracy or capitalism versus communism, the new world order in their minds is woke versus

unwoke. It's that sense of a conservative, you know, let's face it, Christian,

governing body where those things are melted together. And so they are more ideologically aligned

with Putin than Macron. They are more ideologically aligned with Orban. Then they are with

Starmer that the idea that we can lead liberal democracies in any kind of capacity kind of

goes out the window when the operating system that they would like to run is more authoritarian

and more nativist. And so we're no longer natural allies within that regard.

Yeah. Well, just this week Netanyahu went to Hungary to back Orban in this upcoming election

on April 12th. Really? Yeah. JD Vance, JD Vance is reported to be heading there. Donald Trump has

done a video backing Orban. I mean, all the rules of deployments you've got. Well, JD Vance went

to Germany and suggested back the AFD and back the AFD and said how dare you censor. Meanwhile,

they don't say a word about Putin. They don't say a word about, you know, whatever sensorious

or authoritative or any of those kinds of things occur in those countries. Not at all. Not at all.

And look, I think you're right. And this is why I talked about it with the way that the media

treat Trump as though he's a normal president. Right. But also Trump's allies treat him like he's

a normal president. And I think we've got to stop doing that. But you're calling for courage.

I certainly am. You're calling for something that is in, it may be in shorter supply right now

than oil. Maybe. Let me tell you this. Let me tell you this. I was at Davos and I was in the room

for the, I only went in the room for two speeches. One was Trump, where I regret to say that my mild

heckling didn't catch on with all the people around me. There was no, there was no courage in that

room. Right. And I was in for carnies. Now, the thing is, I have it on very good authority

that since Kanye's Davos speech, Trump has phoned Kanye more than Kanye has phoned Trump.

And I think that that is a response to bitter courage. It is true that Sanchez, who has really gone

for Trump, will probably pay a price. Trump will find a way of making him pay a price. But I think

in doing what he's done, I'll tell you one thing is done. He's made himself a side more popular

in Spain than he was, which is not important when you're the prime minister of Spain.

So he's an interesting cat because now he goes out and he sort of nationalizes, I guess, 500,000

refugees or immigrants or something, which you would think goes counter to what the general

movement in Europe is, and certainly on the populist right. But let's face facts, the populist

right is it's not a fringe movement by any means when it comes to Europe. But yet he stands up

to Trump. And do those things offset or are they part of the same kind of no, we're not going to

follow. Does it put him in threat to right wing populism in Spain?

It may do. Certainly that right wing populism in Spain, the Vox party campaign pretty heavily

on immigration. But he's also showing courage in going out and making the case for immigration.

And he does it, he did it in our interview. He basically said there is a moral case and there

is an economic case and I'm making them both. And I think we need to hear more of that.

Well, certainly need to hear more of the economic case. And you know, there was a study, I think

was by the Cato Institute here in the United States, which is by no means a liberal organization,

libertarian, you know, libertarian right. And they made the case that economically,

this type of immigration is actually much more of a net positive than it has been given credit

for. That doesn't mean that it'll be politically successful. But very few, part of the problem we

have in the United States is very few people take the time because of the attention deficit

of the populist. You know, you said earlier that they normalize Trump and they don't say that he

lies. They do say that he lies, but they use a shorthand. What they don't do is show their work.

So you very rarely will see, you know, this happened a lot in the election. There was

the phrase was the big lie. And the big lie got coined to describe Donald Trump's complaint

about the 2020 election that he lost, but said that he won. So they were talking about this is

the big lie. What they didn't do very often is walk through why what he was saying was incorrect.

Because our news has taken on the circadian rhythms of social media.

It all goes. There's very little room to breathe. But there's also the characters who are

taking it over are largely particularly motivated. I mean, that is, I, ideologues, no question.

And so, no question. So I don't, I don't think you can really say it doesn't, would you

really say America? I was a free, fair media today. You're, you're free to do what you do. But

as a whole, does, does your media do the job that it was doing in the, I can't imagine a war to

gate. I mean, it is worse than war to gate 10 times a day. I think, I think certainly the,

the algorithm and the bifurcation in the media has made it more polarized. And certainly, look,

the whole point of Fox News was Roger Ails worked for Nixon. And Roger Ails is the one who founded

Fox News, along with Rupert Murdoch, who by the way, thank you for him. He's done such good work

here in America. We really appreciate it. He's an Australian, but he made his bones. He's actually

an American now. He's an American citizen. Oh, is he really? Yes he is. Otherwise, he wouldn't

have been able to join Fox News. Good, good for him. So he's on you. I agree with you. He's been

net negative, net, net, net, net, negative, negative, negative. He, Gavin Newsom was on our

podcast a few weeks ago. And tell me if you agree with this, he said, without Murdoch, there is no

Trump. Uh, I think that's probably correct. I would say without Murdoch, there's probably no

George Bush without, but, but that being said, I think what, what they did is intentional. They

intentionally created those things to buffer their politicians from that sense of accountability,

because they viewed that accountability as merely left wing posturing and left wing virtue

signaling and left wing. And so now you see that Fox News is not right enough for Trump. That's

the thing about Trump is he's insatiable. But let me ask you, you had Newsom on. So here, Newsom

is obviously, he's one of the few politicians that can compete in an attention economy in the way

that Trump does. He's created this sort of trolling persona. What was your sense of him? The way

that I process him is like, man, that dude is thirsty. And it's hard for me to move past that in

some respects. What was your thought process with him? What does that mean? The thirsty? Yeah.

He wants it. He wants it in a way that is more ambition than, um, conviction, conviction.

Okay. It's less principle and more politics. I didn't get that impression. Okay. Um, there you go.

Two reasons, two reasons. But then again, you worked for Blair. So I'm going to take it all with

a grand assault. Well, hold on. Tony Blair is a man of conviction. Yeah, ambition and conviction.

He still got fair enough. And I will defend him to my grave for normal and peace process alone.

All right, fair enough. No, I liked Gavin Newsom a lot because I'd kind of only seen the kind of,

you know, the hair and the teeth and the suits and what have you. Yeah, yeah. And it looks like a

kind of pretty identity to get American politician, right? Yes. Um, but I found him to be very charming,

very clever. Uh, and he's got courage. He's got courage. He's got courage. He calls things out.

He's really going for this. The one thing that he said that I, he said at the end, I said,

are you definitely going to go for it? And he said, the only people who've got to vote my wife

and my children and some of them like it, some of them are keen, some of them are not. And I thought,

hmm, he's going, I mean, I thought I thought he's definitely going for it. Yes.

I got the sense that his view of the California thing is that it's a big bonus while he's getting

the nomination. And then it becomes a bit of a handicap. He's going to work out a ways of dealing

with that. I think that's right. Uh, but I, I found him pretty compelling and pretty tough. I thought

it was tough. I liked him. Okay. Well, fair enough then. But thank you for, for being candid

about those various things. I want to revisit just a moment. We sort of talked about

NATO's role in all this and how Trump really is ideologically aligned more with these strong men

and certainly seems to prefer them. Yeah. To anything else that he does. But I want to also ask

during your time in office, what your experience was with the Middle East powers because Netanyahu

has so I think for, for my money, I believe he is not interested in diplomatic solutions

to almost anything and that he has found his lane in violence. And he can all he wants about,

well, we were attacked and understood and I'm not diminishing that. But you can't, there's a

difference between capability and ambition. And what he's trying to do is bomb the ambition out

of people. He's trying to bomb their will away. And I don't think that's something you can do.

That, that the more people are resilient and, and they will, they will fight that you may be

able to diminish their capability. But in doing so, their ambition becomes even more resolute.

I mean, again, going back to the Sanchez interview because goes, you know, Spain and Ireland

are the two countries in Europe that are very, very pro-Palestinian and the first to recognize

Palestine state, et cetera. And he said, I said to him, do you think Netanyahu is a war criminal?

And he said, well, that is not, I'm not a judge, but he said, Israel is more isolated than it has

ever been. Now, I don't think, as Netanyahu is thinking, I think as long as he's got Trump

for now, he thinks he's fine. Why I found terrifying about recent events is that what is happening

in the moment in Lebanon is barely on the agenda, the settler violence and the West Bank at the

moment is off the scale. Exactly. But it's barely on the agenda. By the way, what are the settlers

even doing? How can you justify if, if your goal is just the security of your state and, and only,

why would you ever be annexing other territory, which obviously is going to take a lot more money

in resources to be able to defend, and all it does is bicekt land that is clearly not yours.

But that is their strategy to make it theirs. But that's, but, but, right. So that's my point.

Totally. Is how can you say I'm looking for inequitable and just solution?

Because your actual goal is to just eliminate the problem for yourselves.

There was a there was a briefing. I read quite a lot of the Israeli press and there was a briefing

in one of the papers the other day where they they literally said that the military strategy

that they were going to be pursuing in targeting Hasbola in Lebanon was the one that they used in

Raffa. Now Raffa was basically raised to the ground. It was flat, complete. Yeah. So

and the thing is that he can look, we now do seem to be living in an era of impunity.

We have to hope that when all this is through that there will not be impunity. But it's coming from

the supposedly elevated countries of the world, the United States and Israel, the ones that

live with moral purpose. And yet, and yet, here we are. And by the way, where is Saudi Arabia

in in all of this? Where is, you know, we've sent them more weaponry than almost anybody else.

What is is what is their role in this? What is their role in defending the Palestinians? What

is anybody's role in this? I'm so confused. You're not alone. I mean, we're all confused. And I

think that you see, what Trump's supporters, and I don't want to put it all on Trump, but a lot of

it is on Trump. But what his supporters continue to say, the trouble with you guys is you don't

understand he's all about strategic chaos and strategic ambiguity. But you just get the thing,

he's literally making it up as he goes along day by day. And that's why I do worry. I was

at an event meeting recently with some of the kind of different European intelligence people. And

one of them said, you know, do you think this might be leading us into the third world war?

And another one said, well, what if we're already in it? And what the thing that really worries me

is that the level of hubris, the ego, alongside, you see, I think you're right, Ben Netanyahu. Netanyahu,

he wants to survive politically. Do you know, by the way, he was the first Israeli prime minister we

met back in 1997. He was there then as prime minister. So this is a guy who knows how to survive.

He wants to survive right now based on the approach he's taking around because he got to understand

it's much more popular in Israel than it is here in the UK or in the US. He thinks this might

be the way to winning the next general election. He's got Trump completely. And then all the Gulf

powers there, Saudi is obviously a very, very interesting question. What's happening with their

relationship with the other Gulf powers? Well, it just came out today. They said, uh,

Mohammed bin Salman has been calling President Trump and urging him to finish the job that this

is a unique opportunity to reshape the dynamic of the Middle East. I mean, obviously there's the

Sunni Shia rift and as Iran. And this is in no way excusing the mullahs and the actions that they've

taken on their own people and through Hezbollah and Hamas and all those other bad actors. But if

Mohammed bin Salman is calling up Donald Trump and saying, finish the job, well, you've just bought

15 billion dollars of the highest tech weaponry any country can possibly possess.

What are you doing? And as far as the Palestinians, you know, I think they've spent more money on sport.

You know, they gave more money to Phil Mickelson than they did to the Palestinian. Like, I don't

understand any of the dynamics over there or what we're hoping to achieve.

Well, and that is the, that is the problem that we're all wrestling with right now. And the thing

that I find terrifying is that Trump is so powerful. But that power comes from the stability

and he's destroying the very foundation that gave him his power. Right. But he's, these countries

that have invested hundreds of millions in projecting themselves as safe, as stable. And that

safety and stability has been based on the fact that they've developed this relationship with

the United States and the United States and now destroyed it. I mean, while they're all looking at

each other and thinking, you know, he will try, he'll be, Trump will now be trying to divide and rule.

The Israelis will be trying to divide and rule. We're not going to hit that one as hard as we're

hitting that one. You know, then it was bad. And so look, it is absolutely terrifying. And the

answer to the question, I was tended to agree with the guy who said, well, maybe we are already

in Third World War. And that is why this is all about, this is where values have to be reimposed.

And I think what's happened since Trump's second term began is the eradication of any sense

of there being values at the heart of this. He doesn't talk about, you know, he talked about

the people rising up, but he never talks about democracy. He's not interested. At least George

Bush used to talk about, let's try and create a stable democracy in Iraq.

Is democracy no longer an operating system? You know, we used to say like, well, we're going to

bring democracy and that sort of was coupled with a kind of prosperity and stability and a rule of

law and all those other things that created the power of the United States that, you know, we so

randomly squander at so many different times. Do you think that democracy still has the credibility

as an operating system or has it, has it so been tainted by the mistakes that were made in Iraq

or the mistakes that were made in immigration policy or the inability to solve some of the bureaucratic

issues that occur within, you know, the EU Brexit is an example of a rebuke of that system.

Yeah. You know, do we need to also shore up the results that democracy can deliver for their

populations? Well, the one that you didn't put in there, which I think is the biggest of the lot

is the fact that we've we've had a generation growing up with no guarantee whatsoever that they're

going to be better off than their parents generation. I think that is what's driving a lot of what's

in Europe. I think that there are various things. There's I think if you go back, this shit has

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So if you go back, my friend Mr. Scaramucci is written a new book which is coming out

late this year and he talks about these three big mistakes that he think of driven driven

as to where we are. Okay. The first is Seattle where globalization, China was brought in and lots

of trade unions and lots of working class people said, no, no, no, this is a mistake and

the globalizers and I would include myself in that were basically, no, no, no, you've got to

bring China in and this is the way to do it. Right. Then the second is when they invite a China

into the WTO. Into the WTO, yeah. Right. Yeah. And so the economic and social consequences of that.

The second one, the he cites is the Iraq war without putting up taxes. In other words,

saying we can have this massive war, but don't worry, you won't have to pay for it.

And then the third one is bailing out the banks. So that he's putting up the 2008 financial crisis,

right? The crash, yeah. I'm going to add, I'm going to add COVID to that. I'm going to add what

people consider to be the government's arrogance during the COVID crisis. Okay. Okay. Well,

all of these things, and you're right by the way, but the, and you go back to the question you

asked is, is democracy up to dealing with this? The problem is that China, less so Russia,

because Russia's, you know, separate case of it, but China is definitely looking at our democratic

systems and saying, there you're problem. There you're problem. You can't, you can't do stuff

like we do stuff. I saw a Chinese diplomat not long ago, and I was going on about, yeah,

well, in the end, we're all going to, you know, do this down the other and people will still believe

in democratic values and why view. And we were talking about infrastructure. And he said,

he said to me, I think you do the answer. He said, because I think it helped me say this somewhere

on the media, he said, when was the first discussion that you had about building a third runway

at Heathrow Airport? And the answer was 1998. Wow. And we're still talking about it. Wow. And he

was saying, I've lost count of how many airports we've built since then. So they're much more

open about saying, your problem is your system. Democracy's not working. Putin, why does Putin have

a certain following amongst the kind of hard right AFD, forage and these guys? What they like to

say is, well, say what you like about him, but he gets things done. Right. What he gets done is,

you know, leading to hundreds of thousands of deaths. See, it's so interesting that, because I

actually think you've got a much better case to make with she and China in that regard. And they

certainly have their state run capitalism. And however they want to do it, then you do with Putin,

because Putin actually doesn't get things done and makes incredible and is unbelievably

clubbed to critic and corrupt. And what a terrible example. And I would say they would never

align themselves with the authoritarian nature of China, but they would with Putin. And the reason

is they view him as a defender of what they call Western civilization, not the Western civilization

that you and I define as the enlightenment values that create the foundation of democratic societies.

But Western civilization along the lines of racial and religious lines. Yeah. That's actually

why they align there. And also certainly can't point to results. And also views on gays and views

on abortion, of views on women. Exactly. The whole manuscript thing is wrapped up in this

magazine stuff. So no, listen, Putin and Trump, I mean, look, I know there's the whole theory about

what was Putin got on Trump. I don't think he's got anything to be. Well, I think what he has on

him is jealousy. I think the Trump wants to be rich. He wants to be as powerful and he wants to

be authoritarian within his own country. You know what's incredible? 15 minutes before Donald

Trump announced that he wasn't going to be bombing Iran's energy infrastructure after all.

The stock market insider traders made millions. And that's where we are. Yeah. That's what. So

in some respects, we are turning into just this explicit cleptocracy. Yeah. But why is that not

on the news every night? Why is the media so quiet and so scared? I think it's on there. I think

it's a harder, you know, look, we have enough trouble. As you said, from the 2008 financial crisis,

insider trading, polymarket calcium, I think they're overwhelmed. And unfortunately, rather than

sort of a more strategic news day, what you find in our news day is a redundancy. It's every hour

after hour is the same rhythm of stories. So it's we're going to go down to the airports and see

the TSA line. And then we're going to go so they don't have an opportunity to delve into the

types of analysis. They leave that for podcasts like your podcast and Rory Stewart's. But what about

what about documentary makers, filmmakers? I just got a note from here and news organizations

now partner with these prediction markets. So they're also corporate media and they're also

invested in profit. And they're also consolidating so that pretty soon we're all going to be working

for the same one individual. But the point is they don't it's not that they don't have the

resources. It's that they don't apportion them in a way that strategically fights the corruption

that you're talking about. Yeah. Well, it is a fight that has to be had because and I mean,

it's happening before our eyes. He doesn't even hide it. Oh, it doesn't hide at all. The scary point

to me is, you know, you could say, you know, great Britain has a much more responsible media. And yet

ultimately, your country ends up making the same stupid decisions we do. So you begin to wonder,

well, what is the, you know, what is the solution? Let me end on this because hopefully it's a

more hopeful, you know, Alistair in your experience and looking around. Where do you see green shoots

of a new more robust defender of liberal democracy and the power that it should hold and the

rule of law that can again create this kind of stability and prosperity. Where are the green

shoots in your mind? Don't pause like that. Don't pause. No, no, no, I was going to say the first

the first obvious name that comes to mind is Mark Karney. I think Mark Karney in Canada is doing

pretty good job. I think you our attorney general guy called Richard Hermu, who's very close to

Kierstarma. He's made a speech this week. We can speak this week, which is very much this is the

time now to fight for human rights, fight for international law. Of course, the run to threat is

never before. Just had a great guy in Australia just won a landslide in the South Australia election.

Guy called Peter Malalauskas. He's a Labour candidate. He's absolutely wiped out the opposition

pretty much. I think that those results I mentioned in France, in Italy, I think I could be wrong,

but if the election is free and fair in Hungary, all bound will lose. There is a fight back.

And I'll tell you where I get hope. The last two books I wrote were kids' books about politics,

and I'm now going to loads of schools. And it's true that you'd get some teenagers who are

totally locked up in the atmosphere and all that stuff. But my sense of the younger generation

is that they get how bad this is, and they know that it's going to be on them to get us out of it.

So I'm still broadly positive. I think the other thing I would say is it's very hard not to allow,

if you're on the progressive side of politics, not to allow Trump to do your head end every day.

I understood. Right. It's really hard not to do it. It's important to try and to go out and find

the people and find the arguments. I see in London every day, the MAGA crowd, they've got this

obsession with London because of Sadiq Khan. Yes. There's a whole industry developed saying that

although now, you know, Zoran Mamdani has taken a little bit of the heat off of Sadiq Khan. A

little bit. A little bit. Okay. But there's a whole kind of industry across social media and across

parts of the right wing media in the States basically saying, I literally have friends phone up saying,

is it safe to come to London? Right. Because they sealed this shit. Right. When you do come to London,

you see probably still the greatest city in the world. Hey, hey, hey. What? Come on.

When you move in here, by the way, it's obviously going to move. You can't move here. Don't do

New York City dirty. Come on. Let's just listen. No, it's a beautiful city. I happen to love London

very much. Yeah. But the point is, what is it within the MAGA crowd? Other than the skin color of

our mayor that has led them to this relentless, this goes back to your point about the no longer

being our allies. Well, it's incentivized monetarily as well. You have to understand. For sure.

For sure. But you know, when you have an American national security strategy that talks about

European civilizational erasure, right? I would argue. I live in, I travel around the European

countries a lot. Let me let you know, secret john. It's nicer than the United States of America.

Hey, hey, hey, oh yeah, better culture, better scenery, better everything. Yeah, we're just,

we're just better off here. Well, that's nice. And Bren will be better off if we were still

than what you're saying is, is Europe shall lead us out of the wilderness. That they have heard

their lesson through in the scene fighting. And that is all over. And they will lead the democratic

liberal establishment out of the wilderness, a reaffirmation of the Magna Carta and the

Enlightenment values. And, and, and, and we shall do it there. Last question is the antidote to

authoritarianism, morality or competence? You got to have both, but I would say it's the,

the values bit is the big, it's the big part of the foundation. Hundred percent is, you know,

what sort of people are we? What sort of countries do we want to be? And I think that is what has been,

that's what Trump is driving out. You talked about Netanyahu trying to bomb the will out of people.

What Trump does every day with his kind of genius level of crazy communication. He's trying to drive

the, he's trying to drive the good out of us. He's trying to drive the morals out of us. He's

trying to basically say, you know, let's all be as bad as each other. Right. Let's all be realistic

about just how terrible we all are. Yeah, exactly. Exactly. It's not, it's not a very Christian

message, is it? It doesn't appear to be, although that's not my jurisdiction, so I wouldn't. No,

but thank you so much for, for being with us. Fascinating as always. Alistair Campbell,

co-host of the rest of his politics podcast and obviously a vast career as an author and

stuff. Medicator and all those other incredible things. Alistair, please give my best

to Rory and I hope to see you guys soon, uh, over there and in that beautiful city of yours.

See you soon. All right. Okay. Bye, sir.

Man, that got dark. They all do. I will say this though. Uh, I think if anyone was going to

narrate the end of the world, it should be a British version. That's a hundred percent.

Easy into it a bit more. I think my favorite moment was you defining the word thirsty for him.

Yeah. Definitely. I was going to bring this up. Did he not know thirsty? Yeah, he did. He said,

like, what do you mean by that? Probably not in the colloquial sentence. I imagine he knows,

like, the feeling of having thirst. That's right. He'd probably think of himself like,

I am a bit parched. It is, it is nearing tea time. I did like you trying to get more information

for us about the board of peace. Nothing. He gave nothing. He almost seemed as he was unaware

of Tony Blair's role. Yeah. We moved past that pretty quickly. Yeah. Yeah. No, we moved past that

and I love the whole, you know, it was something that we never quite reconciled on this, which was,

you know, he kept saying Trump is doing this the wrong way. And I kept trying to get him back to

right, but we supposedly did a rock the right way. But when are we going to start thinking

that maybe we shouldn't be doing any of this shit at all? Yeah. We're kind of still hung up on

the lies portion, I think of it. The news media, us, the reasons for why it's happening,

all these things were still stuck just on that beginning part. But I guess because the lies are

so abundant and quick that there's not too much room to move on. And I also think, you know,

look, hindsight is obviously, you know, and to say, and you know, he seemed to be pretty clear

about like, look, we believed what we were saying there. Maybe that's true for what was going on

there. I don't believe that's necessarily true for America. I don't, I do think there were some

real believers in that Neocon movement. But I think a lot of them knew they were manipulating

things cynically just to get what they wanted. 100%. Out of that. Yeah. Thank you, Jillian.

Yeah. I think we've all come to terms with that. We've all accepted it. What they wanted were

worthy goals for them. That's right. We've all accepted those sorts of things. Did you,

are you familiar with this Spanish Sanchez? We should, we should reach out. We will. Yeah.

Could do it. Sounds exciting. Guys got some balls. He literally was like, you're not using our

shit. I'm not getting it now. I love it. This thinks this is stupid. It's impressive because,

yeah, not too many leaders are willing to be so open about their dislike of what's happening.

As he was describing Starmer, you know, threading a needle with what he says and does,

it's nice to see some authenticity. Right. It was interesting when he said about

Carnie too, which is that like, I mean, whether or not it's true that like Trump has been calling

him more than he's been calling Trump since he showed a little bit of courage. And it's like,

I don't know. It's kind of similar to what you said is about Caitlin Collins ones, which is that

he kind of has respect for people that push back a bit. Mom Donnie. Exactly. Yeah. That's

exactly right. Those are three very good examples. And I do think that there is some of that.

And I can believe it because Donald Trump is, if nothing else, a 12 year old with a phone,

like he's just, he's on, he's, he's on with everybody. But Brittany, what, what, uh,

what are the kids want to know this week as we move on? Yes. All righty.

John, with one of the most consequential midterm elections in US history coming up,

maybe what? Okay. Does anyone really want Schumer or Jeffries as their starting quarterback?

Oh, I don't. First of all, the idea that you would even consider them quarterbacks is like,

I, I put them maybe on the online kickers. Yeah. Yeah. Maybe a, maybe a counter special teams

going through there. I mean, look, I, I don't understand the idea of Schumer to begin with his

passivity in the face of these really kind of existential crises that occur is, is, is beyond me.

And the, and even the subtle adjustments that he makes, uh, given the frustration of the democratic

constituency writ large is, I'll curse more. Yeah. Like even that is all show and not, and it's,

it's frustrating. Incredibly. They're so, you have removed from, I think, the day to day that

just cursing seems like it will hit our hearts. And we're, we're fucking, oh, we're not, we're

fucking fighting back. We're gonna fucking these motherfuckers. Yeah. Have to be.

That's pretty good. Thank you. Why doesn't he step down?

Oh, my lord. Why doesn't he seed power? They don't, these guys don't ever seed power. They run,

look, it was remarkable when Dick Durbin at 82 was like, I don't think I'm gonna run again.

And you're like, yeah. Of course not. Selflessness. Yeah. Just 82 years old. Stop.

But isn't there a way for us to like, I, I just get frustrated because like, isn't there a way

for us to hold them accountable and make that happen somehow? I mean, it's such an internal,

you know, the internal politics of Washington insiders is something that is slightly impervious

unfortunately to the voters. But the one thing I will say that the Democratic Party could do is

their system rewards only seniority. And so if you want to get anywhere and you want to get any

kinds of plum assignments and all that, you just, they only reward longevity. At least the

Republicans don't even do that. They give them, I don't know if it's two terms or three terms on

certain committees, but they don't allow them to just in sconce themselves in these offices

until fucking moss starts to grow up their legs or should I say fucking moss? But I think the

performance of these leaders has been so apparently missing in action that I'd be surprised that

whatever new group, but maybe that they're, you know, their other senators and representatives

feel beholden to them. I really tied. Yeah. There's reporting, I think over the weekend that

there's like a signal chat, but like Chris Murphy, Elizabeth Warren, and maybe a few others are in

where they're talking shit. Oh my god. So they're trying to, they're plotting against Schumer. So

they're like, you know, it's great. Let's get a signal chat. That always goes well. I'd write,

he said, who would ever find out about that? It just, it blows my mind that that's the like,

because that is something that you would see in like a high school

tromity that's like, there's a chat. And some of the teachers and students around it, like,

you just imagine it's, it feels as, as what kind of balancer was like, nearly like, it feels so

lacking in courage. Yes. Yeah. Absolutely. I'm going to, I'm going to set up a little social media

chat for us. And we're going to talk about all the things we would do if we had the balls to do it

publicly. Yes. Let me fuck down. Brittany, what else we got when we're talking about? All right.

Where else we're going here? If you were a ghost, what would, wait, what have they heard?

What would be your go-to casual haunt? Well, first of all, I am slowly becoming like,

as I become more translucent through hair color and lack of power, I would haunt

old music clubs that still allow smoke. The, my fondest sensory memories are from bartending in

old like punk clubs, where the heady aroma of cigarette smoke,

stale beer, and violent tendencies, feel that like that. I love that aura. And I think I would

probably, that's where I would end up. Well, I don't know, where would you guys end? I

Jillian, who would you haunt? Would you haunt? Yeah, I'd be like, courtside Madison's

where garden. So you would naturally be haunting. I'm using it for the seats. You guys are haunting

for good. I know this is very like positive. I have a list of situationships that I'm going to go

in torture. Oh, Brittany, you're going full of addictive. So you're going kind of, you're more

poltergeist. Yes. I'm going to haunt the shit out of people. Okay. Yeah. I was just thinking more

in terms of like, what kind of atmosphere would I like to exist in as opposed to like,

who could I fuck with? Yeah. I'm getting payback. Lauren seems also in the payback mode.

I'm just, we are in a crazy moment. And we got this question. And all I'm thinking is like,

how do I mess with everyone who's messing with, you know, our sanity right now?

So you would actually, you would say, this is interesting. I went, I went bar. Brittany went

personal vendetta. Julian just wants to see good basketball. And Lauren went halls of power.

So you're, you're haunting could have some real efficacy and an improvement.

Or just make me smile. No, personal thing. And it's not always good basketball. Sometimes it's

just basketball. Yeah, depending on what year it is, that's a good point. How do they keep in touch

for this? Twitter. We are weekly show pod Instagram threads ticked off blue sky. We are weekly show

podcast. And you can like, subscribe and comment on our YouTube channel. The weekly show at John

Stewart. And you should. What's stopping you? Haunt us for God's sakes. As always, thank you guys

very much. Really enjoyed that conversation. Lead producer, Lauren Walker, producer, Brittany

Memmedivac, producer, Jillian Spear, video editor and engineer Rob Vittola, audio editor and

engineer Nicole Boyce, who we're doing. Yomans work today. We were, we were working intercontinental

cross the seas. And they were making it work as Alistair's camera kept trying to fly out the

window. They had to, they had to make adjustments as the whole thing was going on. And our executive

producers as always, Chris McShane, Katie Gray. Thanks so much guys. And we'll see you guys next time.

The weekly show with John Stewart is a comedy central podcast is produced by Paramount Audio

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