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February 21, 2026.
On February 22, 1889, outgoing Democratic President Grover Cleveland signed an omnibus
bill that divided the territory of Dakota in half and enabled the people in the new territories
of North Dakota and South Dakota, as well as the older territories of Montana and Washington,
to write state constitutions and elect state governments.
The four new states would be admitted to the union in nine months.
Republicans and Democrats had fought for years over admitting new Western states, with
members of each party blocking the admission of states thought to favor the other.
Republicans counted on Dakota and Washington territories, while the Democrats felt pretty
confident about Montana and New Mexico territories.
In early 1888, Congress had considered a compromise by which all four states would come into
the union together.
But in the 1888 election, voters had put the Republicans in charge of both chambers of
Congress, and while the popular vote had gone to Cleveland, the Electoral College had put
Republican Benjamin Harrison into the White House.
Democrats had to cut a deal quickly, or the Republicans would simply admit their own
states and no others.
The plan they ended up with cut Democratic New Mexico out of statehood, but admitted
Montana, split the Republican territory of Dakota into two new Republican states, and
admitted Republican-leaning Washington.
Harrison's men were eager to admit new Western states to the union.
In the Eastern cities, the Democrats had been garnering more and more votes, as popular
opinion was swinging against the industrialists who increasingly seemed to control politics
as well as the economy.
Democrats promised to lower the tariffs that drove up prices for consumers, while Republican
leaders agreed with industrialists that they needed the tariffs that protected their products
from foreign competition.
Republicans assumed that the upcoming 1890 census would prove that the West was becoming
the driving force in American politics, and admitting new states, full of Republican voters,
would dramatically increase the strength of the Republican Party in Congress.
The one new representative each new state would send to the House would be nice, but two new
Republican senators per state would guarantee the Republicans would hold the Senate for the
foreseeable future.
In two, the new states would change the number of electors in the Electoral College, where
each state gets a number of electors equal to the number of the state's U.S. senators
and representatives.
Harrison's men were only too aware that Harrison had lost the popular vote, and won only
in the Electoral College, and they were keen to skew the Electoral College more heavily
toward the Republicans before the 1892 election.
In Frank Leslie's illustrated newspaper, the administration's mouthpiece, Harrison's
people boasted that Republicans could take Montana, and gleefully anticipated that the
new Western states would send eight new Republican senators to Washington, D.C., making the
count in the Senate 47 Republicans to 37 Democrats.
The newspaper also pointed out that changing the balance of the Electoral College would stop
the Democratic-leaning state of New York from determining the next president.
In May 1889, elections for members of the Constitutional Conventions in North Dakota,
South Dakota, and Washington Territory went Republican.
Montana went Democratic, but Republicans blamed the result on Democratic gerrymandering.
In October 1889, congressional elections in North Dakota, South Dakota, and Washington
confirmed that those territories would come into the Union as Republican states.
Frank Leslie's counted the numbers.
Republicans had garnered 169 seats to the Democrats 161.
Republican legislatures would also give six new Republicans to the Senate, putting the
count in that body at 45 Republicans and 39 Democrats.
Frank Leslie's reported the numbers, then explained what they meant.
Republican control of Congress was pretty much guaranteed.
As for Montana, when it appeared the legislature would be dominated by Democrats, Republicans
simply threw out the Democratic votes, charging fraud.
They did have to admit that a Democrat had won the governorship, but they insisted he
had done so by fewer than 300 votes.
The governor, Joseph K. Toul, was so popular that he was reelected twice, but the Republicans
tried to weaken him by harping on what Frank Leslie's called, his arbitrary partisan,
we might almost say, in decent, official conduct.
In a little over a week, in November 1889, four new states entered the Union.
On Saturday, November 2nd, President Harrison signed the documents admitting North Dakota
and South Dakota.
On Friday, November 8th, he welcomed Montana to the Union.
The following Monday, November 11th, he declared Washington a state.
Just as they had planned in February, Republicans had added three Republican states to the Union
and had come close to capturing a fourth.
The West seemed to be the key to maintaining national political power, and it looked as
if Harrison's men had managed to claim the region for themselves.
Republican dominance in the New Western states, Frank Leslie's wrote, would tip the scale
that had balanced the parties for more than a decade.
The votes of the new states would virtually assure the Republicans the presidency in 1892
and the tariffs would be safe.
But by summer 1890, it was no longer clear that the Republicans would keep their majority.
The economy was faltering, and Americans blamed the tariffs.
They were looking favorably on former President Cleveland, who after all had won the popular
vote in 1888.
The Harrison administration seemed out of touch with the American people.
Harrison had drawn up plans for a $700,000 addition to the White House, with conservatories,
winter gardens, and a statuary hall, so as to make it a fit home for a presidential family.
The Harrison's near-do-well son Russell insisted it was shameful for the head of the nation
to be forced to live in cramped quarters, although observers noted that the cramping came
from the fact that Russell Harrison and his wife and child had moved into the White
House with the President and the First Lady.
And then President Harrison accepted a handsome plate of solid gold from supporters from
California on his birthday in August.
Republicans turned again to the idea of protecting their majority by adding more states.
They looked toward Wyoming and Idaho.
This Wyoming had boasted a non-indigenous population of fewer than 21,000 people in 1880,
and the Northwest Ordnance had established 60,000 as the necessary population for admission
to statehood.
It was a stretch to argue that it was ready, but the Republicans were adamant that it
should join the union.
They also wanted to add Idaho, which had a population of fewer than 33,000 in 1880.
They were in such a hurry to admit Idaho that they bypassed the usual procedures of
state admission, permitting the territorial governor to call for volunteers to write a
state constitution, which voters approved only months later.
Democrats pointed out that there was no argument for Wyoming and Idaho statehood that did not
apply to Democratic New Mexico and Arizona.
The picking out of the two territories and plucking them into the union by the ears looked
like an operation that was not to be justified by any sound principle of statesmanship or
of public necessity, and that found justification in the minds of its promoters by the fact that
they were thus increasing their political influence in the next presidential election.
A Democratic representative charged.
Republicans countered that Democrats were opposing the admission of new states out of partisanship,
saying they would not add a new state unless it pledged allegiance to the Democratic party.
On July 3, 1890, after a vote that fell along party lines, Wyoming and Idaho were admitted
to the union.
The Republicans had added six new states to the union in less than a year.
Administration loyalists were elated, but Democrats and moderate Republicans were not enthusiastic.
The Democratic Boston Globe pointed out that the two new states together had a population
of a fair-sized congressional district in Massachusetts, but would be represented in Congress
by four senators and two representatives.
The moderate Republican Harper's Weekly was also concerned.
It pointed out that the admission of the new states badly skewed congressional representation.
The estimated 105,000 people of Wyoming and Idaho, it complained, would have four senators
and two representatives.
The 200,000 people in the first congressional district of New York, in contrast, had only
one representative.
Sanders Weekly pointed out there were 15 wards in New York City that each had a population
as large as the population of Wyoming and Idaho put together.
To get their additional Republican senators, the magazine noted, the Harrison administration
had badly undercut the political power of voters from much more populous regions.
A maneuver that did not seem to serve the fundamental principle of equal representation
in the republic.
Administration men did not stop at redrawing the map to ensure the success of their party.
They manipulated the 1890 census to favor Republican districts, projecting that their
count would give 15 more Republican congressmen, while only seven for the Democrats.
They erected statues of civil war heroes and passed the Dependent Pension Act, which
put money in the pockets of disabled veterans, their wives, and their children.
And all the while, they blamed their opponents for partisanship.
Frank Leslie's lectured, it behooves the citizen, regardless of party affiliations, to think
of the calamities that must in the end result from the intensifying of party feeling and
the subordination of right and justice to the desire to advance party success.
And yet, the public mood continued to swing away from the Republicans, who continued to insist
that the workers and farmers suffering under the Republicans' policies were ungrateful
and were themselves to blame for their own worsening conditions.
In turn, opponents accused Republicans of stealing the 1888 election, and believing they
didn't have to answer to voters so long as they had moneyed men behind them so they
could buy elections.
In the 1890 midterms, voters took away the Republican slim majority in the House and
handed their opponents a majority of more than two to one.
A new alliance movement of farmers and workers had swept through the West like a wave of
fire Harper's Weekly wrote, calling for business regulations and income taxes and working
quietly through new local newspapers that old party operatives had largely ignored.
Republicans held power in the Senate only thanks to the admission of the new states, but
even those did not deliver as expected.
Republicans held a majority of only four senators, but three of them opposed tariffs.
In the presidential election of 1892, Harris and won four electoral votes from South Dakota,
three from Montana, four from Washington, and three from Wyoming.
Idaho's three electoral votes went to the populist candidate for president James B. Weaver.
North Dakota split its three votes among the three candidates.
It was not enough.
Grover Cleveland returned to the White House for a second term, and Democrats took charge
of Congress for the first time since before the Civil War.
Matters from an American was written and read by Heather Cox Richardson.
It was produced at Soundscape Productions, Data Massachusetts, recorded with music composed
by Michael Moss.



