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Hello, this is Michael Moss.
Heather Cox Richardson is unable to read the letter today, so I will be reading it in
her place.
February 9th, 2026
Last night's 13-minute Super Bowl halftime show featuring Bad Bunny had more watchers
than any other halftime show in history.
An estimated 135 million watched live, while millions more have streamed it since.
Rapper, singer and record producer Bad Bunny, whose given name is Benito Antonio Martinez
Acasio, is from Puerto Rico, and rocketed to prominence with the release of his first
hit single on January 25th, 2016.
On February 1st, 2026, just a week before the halftime show, Bad Bunny made history
by being the first artist to win album of the year at the Grammys for an album recorded
in Spanish.
Right doing critics complained about the NFL's invitation for Bad Bunny to do the halftime
show, saying he was not an American artist.
In fact, people born in Puerto Rico are American citizens.
The Puerto Rico has an odd relationship with the United States government, a relationship
born of the combination of late 19th century economics and U.S. racism.
In the 1880s, large companies in various industries gobbled up their competitors to create
giant trusts that monopolize their sector of the economy.
The most powerful trust in the United States was the Sugar Trust, officially known as the
American Sugar Refining Company, which by 1895 controlled about 95% of the U.S. sugar
market.
Thanks to pressure from the sugar trust in 1890, Congress passed the McKinley tariff,
which ended sugar tariffs and tried to increase domestic production by offering a bounty
on domestic sugar.
This privileged domestic producers and in 1893, sugar growers in Hawaii staged a coup
to overthrow the Hawaiian Queen and asked Congress to admit the islands as an American state.
President Benjamin Harrison, a friend and confidante of tariff namesake William McKinley,
cheerfully backed annexation.
But before the treaty could be approved, an 1894 law reinstated the duties on sugar and
ended the bounties.
Voters elected President Grover Cleveland later that year, and with Hawaiians furiously
protesting against the machinations of an American business ring, Cleveland insisted on an investigation
and Hawaiian statehood stalled.
In the Spanish-American War broke out in 1898, the Senate still did not have enough votes
to admit Hawaii, so Congress annexed it by a joint resolution and McKinley, now President,
signed the measure.
As the popular magazine Harper's Weekly put it in a cartoon with a little boy dressed
in the symbols of the American flag, eating candy, America was swallowing sugar plums.
The acquisition of the territory of Hawaii had begun the question of annexing islands.
Then the 1899 Treaty of Paris that ended the war transferred from the control of Spain
to the control of the United States, the islands of Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico,
as well as a number of smaller islands including Guam, all of which either were sugar producers
or had the potential to become sugar producers.
Since the northwest ordinance of 1787 adopted under the Articles of Confederation that made
up the basis of the nation's law before the Constitution, the U.S. had rejected colonies
and instead established a system for incorporating new territories into the country on terms
of equality to older states.
But in the era of Jim Crow, annexing the newly acquired islands under the terms established
a century before presented a political problem for lawmakers.
Although sugar growers wanted the islands to be domestic land for purposes of tariffs,
most Americans did not want to include the black and brown inhabitants of those lands
in the United States on terms of equality to white people.
Congress's 1898 Resolution of War against Spain in Cuba had contained the Teller Amendment,
which required the U.S. government to support Cuban political independence once the war
was over and Spanish troops gone, providing a quick answer to American political annexation
of Cuba, although it left room for economic domination.
But there was no such amendment for the rest of the islands the U.S. acquired in 1899.
A fiercely pro-business Supreme Court provided a solution for Puerto Rico in what became known
as the Insular Cases.
In May 1901, in Downs versus Bidwell, the court concluded of the newly acquired island
that, although in an international sense, Puerto Rico was not a foreign country since
it was subject to the sovereignty of and was owned by the United States, it was foreign
to the United States in a domestic sense because the island had not been incorporated into
the United States.
This new concept of unincorporated territories that were foreign in a domestic sense allowed
the U.S. government to legislate over the new lands without having to treat them like
other parts of the union, while also preventing the inclusion of their people into the U.S.
body politic.
Two months after the court's decision on July 25th, McKinley issued a proclamation removing
tariff duties for products from Puerto Rico and the sugar industry boomed.
But what did this system mean for the people in Puerto Rico?
In 1902, a pregnant 20-year-old Puerto Rican woman named Isabel Gonzales arrived in New York
City to join her fiancé, but the Immigration Commissioner turned her away on the grounds
that she was an alien who would require public support, Gonzales sued.
When her case reached the Supreme Court, it concluded in the 1904 Gonzales V. Williams case
that Gonzales was not an alien and indeed that she should not have been denied entry to
the United States.
The justices went on to create a new category of personhood for the islands inhabitants.
They were not aliens, but they were not citizens either.
Instead, they were non-citizen nationals.
As such, they had some constitutional protections, but not all.
They could travel to the American mainland without being considered immigrants, but they
had no voting rights in the U.S.
U.S. citizenship for Puerto Ricans was established in the 1917 Puerto Rico Federal Relations Act,
also known as the Jones Shafferoth Act.
Today Puerto Rico is a self-governing commonwealth of about 3.2 million people.
Puerto Ricans do not pay federal taxes or vote in presidential elections, although a resident
commissioner serves in Congress and can sit on committees and debate but not vote on legislation.
Puerto Ricans do pay U.S. Social Security taxes and receive certain federal benefits.
Last night, Bad Bunny highlighted Puerto Ricans history, beginning with the workers at the
heart of colonial sugar production and moving through to those same cane workers hanging
from electric poles in an evocation of the recent blackouts in the country's inadequate
electric grid, poorly addressed by the U.S. government after Hurricane Maria wiped out
the system in 2017.
He carried the flag of the island from before the U.S. takeover, an independent flag banned
from 1948 to 1957.
Its light blue triangle picked up in various fabrics throughout the performance.
He ended up by shouting, God bless America in English, echoing the United States mantra
in an answer to right-wing critics, and then he rejected the idea animating the current
U.S. administration's deportation of black and brown people with the claim that they
are not Americans and their culture will undermine American culture.
Ever saying God bless America, Bad Bunny listed in Spanish, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay,
Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Colombia, Venezuela, Guyana, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua,
Honduras, El Salvador, Guatemala, Mexico, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Haiti,
untilays, United States, not Estados Unidos, Canada, and Puerto Rico.
Together, the football he carried said, we are America.
Letters from an American was written by Heather Cox Richardson.
He was produced at Soundscape Productions, Dead and Massachusets, recorded with music
composed by Michael Moss.



