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This past weekend, the United States went to war.
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The country went to war without much notice, and with the justification that has shifted
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sometimes hour by hour and the days since bombing began.
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President Trump didn't announce the war with Iran in a speech from the Oval Office or
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the White House's East Room, but rather in an edited video posted at 2.30 a.m. on the
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social media platform he owns.
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For a short time ago, the United States military began major combat operations in Iran.
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Trump was wearing a baseball cap, pulled low over his eyes.
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This regime will soon learn that no one should challenge the strength and might of the United States armed forces.
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Since then, he has taunted Iran's navy and in all caps warned Iran about even
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harsher U.S. military strikes. Those posts came between others this week where Trump has
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falsely claimed elections were rigged at Stolen, called for the prosecution of various people who
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have opposed him, and lobbied to put his face on U.S. currency. All of this is to say the
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presidency and the norms surrounding it have changed a lot under President Trump. Consider this,
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for years Donald Trump has ignored the norms and traditions of the presidency,
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with the war in Iran has he eliminated them completely.
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From NPR, I'm Scott Dattro.
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It's considered this from NPR. Susan Glasser has been writing a weekly column
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letters from Trump's Washington for the New Yorker since early 2018.
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She launched the column as a response to the accelerated news cycle under his leadership
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and has a way to mark what has happened each week and a climate where voters can quickly forget.
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And it's seen like a good time to check back in with her. Hi, Susan.
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Hi, how are you? I'm all right. And the thing I'm mostly wondering is if you'd gotten a message
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from the future somehow hearing a version of that introduction when you first started this column,
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what would your response have been that this is the place that President Trump has taken the
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presidency? You know, it's interesting. You say that my very first letter from Trump's
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Washington for the New Yorker in the spring of 2018 was about Donald Trump and his administration
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arguing over Iran and whether and how to strike Iran. This has been a long-running theme
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for the president, for many of those surrounding him. And I think the difference between Trump
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1.0 and Trump 2.0 is that he's much more willing to take risky big actions like this.
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Yeah. You speculated a little bit about what could be driving this at a core level.
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You know, everything from the fact that this is, you know, the Ayatollah is somebody who
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president after president after president had a really hard time dealing with wanted to get rid
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of in one way or another. Trump can now say, I'm the guy who did it, you know? And then at a different
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level, maybe he just gets a rush out of ordering military strikes based on your reporting and analysis.
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Like, what do you think the core reasoning is here? Well, you're right. This is a president in
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search of legacy and big legacy moments. We're talking in Washington where he's busy putting his name
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on buildings all over the city. He knocked down the East Wing of the White House. Things like his
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interest in Greenland, what you hear from the president is someone who's in search of
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almost rewriting the map of the world. The Iranian government under the Ayatollahs has
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been deviled. The United States has launched a campaign of terror against the US and Israel and
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others. And Donald Trump, as you know, has nothing but disdain for most of his predecessors. So he
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can now say he had the boldness to act where they failed to do so. I believe that is a motivating
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factor here. The other important thing is this was a moment of opportunity for the United States in
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Israel. And I think there was a sense like if we were going to go after the Iranian regime now
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was an opportunistic time to do it. Mm hmm. I've been over the past few days comparing this war
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with Iran to the Gulf War in a few different ways. You happen to have written a book about Secretary
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of State James Baker and you focused a lot on the diplomacy and the coalition building and the
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public arguments that went into that conflict. This is a cynical question, but I'm wondering if any
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of that matters in the end. If you see, as some indications seem to show, American voters don't
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necessarily care about all of that not happening this time around. Yeah, I mean, look, it's a measure
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of how different and change we are as a society and our politics in particular are so much more
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polarized than the first Gulf War. You mentioned Secretary of State James Baker, President George
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H.W. Bush, so intent upon showing the justice and the justification for especially that first
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Gulf War. So all the more remarkable that Donald Trump, the president of no new wars and Kamal
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Harris is going to get you into World War III, that he would be the president to launch a war of
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choice without an immediate precursor of an in the Middle East. It's a political flip flop really
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of epic proportions. Yeah, Trump did an interview with the New York Times earlier this year and he
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was asked if he sees any limitations on his power and his response was, yeah, there's one thing my own
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morality, my own mind. It's the only thing that can stop me. I'm wondering what you think about this.
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I mean, if Congress and the courts and other countries don't push back on Trump, is he right in a
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sense? It's quite a chilling thought considering that the American experiment, 250 years old this
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year is based on the premise of us having a government of laws and not of men and certainly not
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of one man with kingly powers. I would say this, things like dramatically spiking oil prices,
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dramatically plummeting approval ratings for Trump and his party. Those remain constraints of
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a sort, interest rates as well may go up. American allies and partners in the Gulf who've now been
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attacked by Iran may pressure Trump to pull back on the operations. I think for him, he's still holding
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out the option of keeping this a relatively limited and short duration conflict and getting out. Now,
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of course, once you unleash something like this, you don't get the only vote and events will transpire
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that may or may not make that possible for Trump. Susan Glasser is a staff writer for The New Yorker.
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Thank you so much for talking to us about all of this. Thank you. This episode was produced by
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Eric Orion with audio engineering by Becky Brown and David Haring. It was edited by Sarah Handel,
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Ed Courtney Dorning, our executive producer is Sammy Edigan. It's considered this from NPR,
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