Our Enemy, the State by Albert J. Nock, Part 6

This is Monica Perez. Thank you so much for tuning in for this hour.

6th episode of but 5th chapter of our enemy to state by Albert Cheynoch and I just love it.

It's super libertarian. It's fundamental. It's fun and mental. But I feel like we have lost

track of the fundamentals of libertarianism because we've fallen for this like identity stuff and

your own interest which was just not the way I mean however you want to say this country was

founded and knock will will disabuse you of the conceived and liberty fantasies that you get from

Rothbard who normally doesn't have fantasies but you I always said regardless of what the

intention of the founders was the reality was that the people who I guess had representatives

that tested to this or consented to this they had a certain understanding of what this contract

and actually I'm listening to history homo sapiens talk about the whiskey rebellion and that's

like I think was an aha moment or an awakening where they said oh my gosh like this really wasn't

for us we fought this war but it was really for other interests and knock will support that

but for me the expectation that the people had was consistent with with what we think of as the

constitution and the bill of rights and because of that I feel like that is our birthright even

if it wasn't what they really meant and that's why I think it's really important to have a grounding

in the libertarian basics chapter five it is a commonplace that the persistence of an institution

is due solely to the state of mind that prevails towards it the set of terms in which men habitually

think about it so long and only so long as those terms are favorable the institution lives

and maintains its power and when for any reason men generally cease thinking in those terms it

weakens and becomes inert at one time a certain set of terms regarding man's place in nature gave

organized Christianity the power largely to control man's consciences and direct their conduct

and this power has dwindled to the point of disappearance for no other reason than that man

generally stopped thinking in those terms the persistence of our unstable and iniquitous

economic system is not due to the power of accumulated capital the force of propaganda or to

any force or combination of forces commonly alleged at as its cause this is starting to sound like

what my mom would say to me it is due solely to a certain set of terms in which men think of

the opportunity to work yes this was the most important passage in this book to me this was

life changing or mentally changing they regard this opportunity as something to be given okay so

the persistence of our unstable and iniquitous economic system is not due to the power of accumulated

capital the force of propaganda or to any force or combination of forces commonly alleged as

its cause it is due solely to a certain set of terms in which men think of the opportunity to work

they regard this opportunity as something to be given nowhere is there any other idea about it

than that the opportunity to apply labor and capital to natural resources for the production of

wealth is not in any sense oh right but a concession this is all that keeps our system alive

when men cease to think in those terms the system will disappear and not before

I just thought that was monumental that people think of think of working as as a privilege as

something you have to ask for the the how did he say it the opportunity to apply labor and

capital to natural resources for the production of wealth it is a right and we should think of it

that way and if you do you will not be a victim says I think the people who step off the grid choose

the Benedict's option grow their own chickens they they understand that they're taking back the

right to apply labor and capital to natural resources but if you see the trend that's coming and

I actually am going to talk to Ian Davis about his book the technology and the dark enlightenment

with the technique and the dark enlightenment and and Courtney Turner talks about this a lot too

about tokenization of natural resources and I just think of it in less abstract terms as

black rock buying up single-family homes and renting them out getting driverless cars that we

will not own it we are just getting removed from access to physical things from ownership of land

and property and because we can't own the land or or don't think about owning the land

and it give it all gets gobbled up we won't have the natural resources

upon which to apply our own labor and capital

hi he goes on it seems pretty clear that changes in the terms of thought affecting an institution

are but little advanced by direct means they are brought about in obscure and circuitous ways

and assisted by trains of circumstance which before the fact would appear quite unrelated

and they're erosive or solvent action is therefore quite unpredictable oh my gosh I didn't tell

you the name of this so when I read the PDF it doesn't have a title for the book for the

chapter the chapter this chapter was called in this in the hard copy politics and other fetishes

very funny a direct drive at affecting these changes comes as a rule to nothing or more often

than not turns out to be retarding they are so largely the work of those unimpassioned and

imperturbable agencies for which Prince to Bismarck had such vast respect he called them the

imponderabilia that any effort which disregards them or thrust them violently aside

will in the long run find them stepping into abort its fruit I don't know

he's saying I think he's saying that the animal spirits the zeitgeist or whatever is not

manipulable I don't know this was a hundred years ago and he's pretty spot on with a lot of this

but there's been a lot of work on mass psychology many experiments done and I think they've made a

lot of progress on manipulating the masses I agree with them about the work thing anyway let's keep

going but he's saying how do you change that back let's see thus it is that we that what we are

attempting to do in this rapid survey of the historical progress of certain ideas is to trace

the genesis of an attitude of mind a set of terms in which now practically everyone thinks of

the state and then to consider the conclusions towards which this psychical phenomenon unmistakably

points instead of recognizing the state as quote the common enemy of all well disposed

industrious and decent men the run of mankind with rare exceptions regards it not only as a final

and indispensable entity but also as in the main beneficent the mass man ignorant of its history

regards its character and intentions as social rather than anti social and in that faith he is

willing to put at its disposal an indefinite credit of navery mendacity and chicane upon which

its administrators may draw at will instead of looking upon the state's progressive

absorption of social power with the repugnance and resentment that he would naturally feel towards

the activities of a professional criminal organization he tends rather to encourage and glorify it

in the belief that he is somehow identified with the state and that therefore and consenting to

its indefinite a grandisement he consents to something in which he has a share he is pro tanto

a grandizing himself professor or tega ega set i think he was the one did we talk about this

who defines the vet economic versus political means of wealth accumulation i believe it was him

professor or tega ega set and analyzes the state of mind extremely well the mass man he says

confronting the phenomenon of the state sees it admires it knows that there it is furthermore

the mass man sees in the state an anonymous power and feeling himself like it anonymous he believes

that the state is something of his own suppose that in the public life of a country some difficulty

conflict or problem presents itself the mass man will tend to demand that the state intervene

immediately and undertake a solution directly with its immense and unassailable resources when the

mass suffers any ill fortune or simply feels some strong appetite its great temptation is that

permanent sure possibility of obtaining everything without effort struggle doubt or risk merely by

touching a button and setting the mighty machine in motion it is the genesis of this attitude

this state of mind and the conclusions which inexorably follow from its predominance that we are

attempting to get at through our present survey by that i think he means this book these conclusions

may perhaps be briefly forecast here in order that the reader who is for any reason in

disposed to entertain them may take warning of them at this point and close the book

so if you don't want to hear it now is your chance to exit

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in the credit karma app determined even trucking maintenance of the attitude which professor or

take it you guess that so admirably describes is obviously the life and strength of the state

and obviously to it is now so inveterate and so widespread one may freely call it universal

that no direct effort could overcome its inveteracy or modify it and least of all hope to

enlighten it this attitude can only be sapped and mined by uncountable generations of experience

in a course marked by recurrent calamity of a most appalling character

when once the predominance of this attitude in any given civilization has become inveterate

as so plainly it has become in the civilization of america all that can be done is to leave it to

work its own way out to its appointed end the philosophic historian may content himself with

pointing out and clearly elucidating its consequences as professor or take it you guess that

has done aware that after this there is no more that one can do the result of this tendency he says

will be fatal spontaneous social action will be broken up over and over again by state intervention

no new seed will be able to fructify society will have to live for the state man for the governmental

machine and as after all it is only a machine whose existence and maintenance depend on the vital

supports around it the state after sucking out the very marrow of society will be left bloodless

a skeleton dead with that rusty death of machinery more gruesome than the death of a living

organism such was the lamentable fate of ancient civilization yeah i i don't think he's wrong

and it has gutted society and social power

the revolution of 1776 to 1781 converted 13 provinces practically as they stood into 13

autonomous political units completely independent and they so continued until 1789

formally held together as a sort of league by the articles of confederation for our purposes the

point to be remarked about this eight year period 1781 to 89 is that administration of the political

means was not centralized in the federation but in the several units of which the federation was

composed the federal assembly or congress was hardly more than a deliberative body of delegates

appointed by the autonomous units it had no taxing power and no coercive power it could not

command funds for any enterprise comments of the federation even for war all it could do was to

apportion the sum needed in the hope that each unit would meet its quota see if you're going to

do that you have to be sure they're going to support it and end up on top so you're going to

hesitate to go to war there was no coercive federal authority over these matters or over any

matters the sovereignty of each of the 13 federated units was complete well maybe that's what was

conceived in liberty by Rothbard according to Rothbard I don't know anyway thus the central

body of this loose association of sovereignty has had nothing to say about the distribution of the

political means this authority was vested in the several component units each unit had absolutely

jurisdiction over its territorial basis and could partition it as it's so fit and could maintain

any system of land tenure that it chose to establish interesting land tenure each unit set up

its own trade regulations each unit levied its own tariffs one against another in behalf of

its own chosen beneficiaries each manufactured its own currency and might manipulate it as it

liked for the benefit of such individuals or economic groups as were able to get effective access

to the local legislature each managed its own system of bounties concessions subsidies franchises

and extra sized it with a view to whatever private interest its legislature might be influenced

to promote in short the whole mechanism of the political means was non-national

the federation was not in any sense a state the state was not one but 13 within each unit therefore

as soon as the war was over their reganit ones a general scramble for access to the political means

it must never be forgotten that in each unit society was fluid this access was available to anyone

gifted with the peculiar sagacity and resolution necessary to get at it hence one economic interest

after another brought pressure of influence to bear on the local legislatures until the economic

hand of every unit was against every other and the hand of every other was against itself the

principle of quote protection which is we have seen was already well understood was carried to

lengths precisely comparable with those to which it is carried in international commerce today

and for precisely the same primary purpose the exploitation or in plain terms the robbery

of the domestic consumer mr. beard remarks that the legislature of New York for example

pressed to the principle which governs tariff making to the point of levying duties on

firewood brought in from Connecticut and on cabbages from New Jersey a fairly close parallel with

the octua that one still encounters at the gates of french towns the primary monopoly fundamental

to all others the monopoly of economic rent was sought with redoubled eagerness the territorial

basis of each unit now included the vast holdings confiscated from british owners and the bar erected

by the british british states proclamation of 1763 against the appropriation of western lands

was now removed professor seculsky observes dryly that the early landlust which the colonists

inherited from their european forebears was not diminished by the democratic spirit of the

revolutionary fathers indeed not land grants were sought as a situously from local legislatures

as they had been in earlier days from the steward dynasty and from colonial governors and the

mania of land jogging ran a pace with the mania of land grabbing among the men most actively

interested in these pursuits were those whom we have already seen identified with them in the

pre-revolutionary days such as the two morris's nox pickering james wilson and patria canry

i had to tell my son that i might have been wrong about patria canry he admired me for

always having an open mind knowing that it's possible that you're wrong in accepting that burden

i might have to do more research on that but i was really going to the mat for for old pat there

in my i think i might have to back off until the facts come in

with their names also appear those of doer

bingham mccain willing green leaf nickelson aron burr

low see now i like daren burr because he killed Alexander hamilton so he's bad too

um i like to like somebody for killing somebody who would be dead by now anyway i don't know

but i don't like hamilton because it was a big anyway low macomb wadsworth these are names that

like still resonate ramson constable pier pond and others which now are less well remembered

there's probably no need to follow out the rather repulsive trail of effort after other modes

of the political means what we have said about the foregoing two modes tariffs and rental value

monopoly is doubtless enough to illustrate satisfactorily the spirit and attitude of mind towards

the state during the eight years immediately following the revolution the whole story of incensate

scuffle for state created economic advantage is not especially animating nor is it essential to

our purposes such as it is it may be read in detail elsewhere all that interests us is to

observe that during the eight years of federation the principles of governments had forth by pain and

by the declaration continued in utter abayance not only did the philosophy of natural rights and

popular sovereignty remain as completely out of consideration as when mr jefferson first

lamented its disappearance but the idea of government as a social institution based on this

philosophy was likewise unconsidered no one thought of a political organization as instituted

quote to secure these rights by processes of purely negative intervention instituted that is with

no other end in view than the maintenance of quote freedom and security the history of the eight

year period of federation shows no trace whatever of any idea of political organization other than

the state idea no one regarded this organization otherwise than as the organization of the political

means and all powerful engine which should stand permanently ready and available for the irresistible

promotion of this were that set of economic interests and the irrim imbremidiable disservice of

others according as whichever said by whatever course of strategy might succeed in obtaining command

of its machinery it may be repeated that wall state power was well centralized under the federation

it was not centralized in the federation but in the federated unit for various reasons some

of them plausible many leading citizens especially in the more northerly units found this

distribution of power on satisfactory and a considerable compact group of economic interests

which stood to profit by redistribution naturally made the most of these reasons it is quite

certain that dissatisfaction with the existing arrangement was not general for when the redistribution

took place in 1789 it was affected with great difficulty and only through a coup d'etat organized

by methods which if employed in any other field than that of politics would be put down at once

as not only daring but unscrupulous and dishonorable yeah i believe you this situation in a word

was that american economic interests had fallen into two grand divisions the special interest in

each having made common cause with a view to capturing control of the political means one division

comprised the speculating industrial commercial and creditor interests with their natural allies of

the bar and bench and pulpit and press so the speculating industrial commercial and creditor interests

banks etc the other comprised chiefly the farmers and artisans and their debtor class generally see

now i thought Patrick Henry was completely aligned with the farmers but this i i don't know i'm not

seeing okay from the first these two grand divisions were colliding briskly here and there in the

several units the most serious collision occurring over the terms of the massachusetts constitution

of 1780 the state in each of the thirteen units was a class state as every state known to history

has been and the work of maneuvering it in its function of enabling the economic exploitation of one

class by another went steadily on like this guy does kind of sound like a communist once more

but this is a problem that i have if you believe in economic liberty you don't have to

to fool yourself into defending capitalism just because lefties attack capitalism doesn't mean you

have to defend it i mean and it comes down to the definition of capitalism i mean if capitalism is just

employing labor and capital to natural resources of course that's what we want but

it's financial capitalism it's cronyism it's all of that so

this guy when he criticizes that he kind of does it without a lot of apology

and it sounds like he's a communist and you know it's funny because then like marks

becomes a taint agent of of economic liberty or

economic justice not social justice but like the problem with capitalism is it hijacks government

to prevent people from engaging in the economic marketplace fairly so mark says and this

happens even today people on the left today anti clonialist anti anti anti imperialists

they end up being socialists all the time and it drives me crazy as i've mentioned before

so mark says oh look this stuff is all bad let's just be communist and by the way wasn't he paid

by the banks and the industrialists isn't that famous cartoon of the big money guys

doling out the cash to marks so so they gave you the alternative which was another centralized

system and this is a centralized system it's a shame we have to dodge all the language and everything

try to work around it it gets hijacked easily and you know what are you gonna do

general conditions under the articles of confederation were pretty good

people had made a creditable recovery from the dislocation and disturbances due to the

revolution and there was a very decent prospect that mr. Jefferson's idea of a political organization

which should be national and foreign affairs and non-national and domestic affairs might be found

continuously practicable some tinkering with the articles seemed necessary in fact it was

expected but nothing that would transform or seriously impair the general scheme the chief

trouble was with the federation's weakness in view of the chance of war and in respect of debts

due to foreign creditors the articles however carried provision for their own amendment and for

anything one can see such amendment as the general scheme made necessary was quite feasible

in fact when suggestions of revision arose as they did almost immediately nothing else appears to

have been contemplated but the general scheme itself was as a whole objectionable to the interests

grouped in the first grand division the grounds of their dissatisfaction are obvious enough

when one bears in mind the vast prospect of the continent one need used but little imagination

to perceive that the national scheme was by far the more congenial to those interests because it

enabled an ever closer centralization of control over the political means for instance leaving

aside the advantage of having but one central tariff making body to chaffer with CHFFER instead of

12 any industrialist could see the great primary advantage of being able to extend his exploiting

operations over a nationwide free trade area walled in by a general tariff the closer the centralization

the larger the exploitable area that's what I think is going on right now like yeah maybe we're

not going to have a world hedgemon but I feel like what's going on with China and Russia

and like Greenland and Venezuela stuff we're saying okay we are we're enforcing the trilateral

units and you get your unit and we get ours but for God's sake let's not

compete across boundaries because that'll drive us all into a into the ground any speculator

and rental values would be quick to see the advantage of bringing this form of opportunity

under unified control any speculator and depreciated public securities would be strongly

for a system that could offer in the use of the political means to bring back their face value

any ship owner or foreign trader would be quick to see that his bread was buttered on the

side of a national state which if properly approached might lend him the use of the political

means by way of a subsidy or would be able to back up some profitable but dubious freebooting

enterprise with quote diplomatic representations or with reprisals oh yeah you could threaten them

Trump is doing all of this stuff anyway the farmers and the debtor class in general on the other

hand were not interested in these considerations but were strongly for letting things stay for the

most part as they stood preponderance in the local legislature has gave them satisfactory control

of the political means which they could and did used to the prejudice of the creditor class

and they did not care to be disturbed in their preponderance they were agreeable to such modification

of the articles as should work out short of this but not to setting up a national replica of

the British merchant state which they perceived was precisely what the classes grouped in the

opposing grand division wished to do these classes aimed at bringing in the British system of economics

politics and judicial control on a nationwide scale and the interest grouped in the second

division saw that what this would really come to was a shifting of the incidents of economic

exploitation upon themselves they had an impressive object lesson in the immediate shift that took

place in Massachusetts after the adoption of John Adams a local constitution of 1780 they

naturally did not care to see this sort of thing put into operation on a nationwide scale

and they therefore looked with extreme disfavor upon any bait put forth for amending the articles

out of existence when Hamilton in 1780 objected to the articles in the form in which they were

proposed for adoption and proposed the calling of a constitutional convention instead they turned

to the cold shoulder as they did again to Washington's letter to the local governors three years

later in which he adverted to the need of a strong coercive central authority yeah Hamilton was

greatly influential on Washington and I forgot how bad a status to was not just the bank but this

stuff very bad finally however a constitutional convention was assembled on the distinct understanding

that it should do no more than revise the articles in such a way as Hamilton cleverly phrased it as

to make them quote adequate to the exigencies of the nation and on the further understanding that

all the 13 units should ascend to the amendments before they went into effect in short that the method

of amendment provided by the articles themselves should be followed I'll tell you when people say

they want a constitutional convention right now there's no way what you're going to get written

on paper is going to be better than what we have now written on paper and if it is you're not going

to get it enforced any better than we're enforcing it now it's it is something deeper maybe it's the

idea that you think jobs should be given maybe that is the basis of all the problems neither understanding

was fulfilled the convention was made up wholly of men representing the economic interests of the

first division the great majority of them possibly as many as four fifths were public creditors

one third were land speculators somewhere money lenders one fifth were industrialists traders

shippers and many of them were lawyers they planned and executed a coup d'etat simply tossing

the articles of confederation into the waste basket and drafting a constitution de novo with the

audacious provision that it should go into effect when ratified by nine units instead of by all

thirteen more over with like audacity they provided that the document should not be submitted either

to the congress or to the local legislatures but that it should go direct to a popular vote

unscrupulous methods employed and securing ratification need not be dwelt on here

we are not indeed concerned with the moral quality of any of the proceedings by which the

constitution was brought into being but only with showing their instrumentality and encouraging a

definite general idea of the state and its functions and a consequent general attitude towards

the state we therefore go on to observe that in order to secure ratification by even the nine

necessary units the document had to conform to certain very exacting and difficult requirements

the political structure which it contemplated had to be republican and form yet capable of

resisting what Jerry anxiously called the excess of democracy and what Randolph termed its

turbulence and bollies the task of the delegates was precisely analogous to that of the earlier

architects who had designed the structure of the British merchant state with its system of economics

politics and judicial control people do say we have merchant law they had to contrive something

that could pass muster as showing a good semblance of popular sovereignty without the reality

Madison defined their task explicitly in saying that the conventions purpose was quote to secure

the public good and private rights against the danger of such a faction democratic faction and at

the same time preserve the spirit and form of popular governments under the circumstances this

was a tremendously large order and the constitution emerged as it was bound to do as a compromised

document or as mr. beard puts it very precisely a mosaic of second choices which really

satisfied neither of the two opposing sets of interests it was not strong and definite and not

definite enough in either direction to please anybody in particular the interest composing the first

division led by Alexander Hamilton saw that it was not sufficient of itself to fix them in anything

like a permanent impregnable position to exploit continuously the groups composing the second

division to do this to establish the degree of centralization requisite to their purposes

certain lines of administrative management must be laid down which once established would be

permanent the further task therefore in Madison's phrase was to quote administration the

constitution into such absolutist modes as would secure economic supremacy by a free use of

the political means to the groups which made up the first division this was accordingly done

for the first 10 years of its existence the constitution remained in the hands of its makers

for administration in directions most favorable to their interests for an accurate understanding

of the newly erected systems economic tendencies too much stress cannot be laid on the fact that for

these 10 critical years the machinery of economic and political power was mainly directed by the

men who had conceived and established it Washington who had been chairman of the convention was

elected president nearly half the senate was made up of men who had been delegates and the

house of representatives was largely made up of men who had to do with the drafting or ratifying

of the constitution Hamilton Randolph and Knox who were active in promoting the document

filled three of the four positions in the cabinet and all the federal judge ships without a single

exception were filled by men who had a hand in the business of drafting or ratification or both

of all the legislative measures enacted to implement the new constitution the one best

calculated to ensure a rapid and steady progress in the centralization of political power

was the judiciary act of 1789 this measure created a federal supreme court of six members

subsequently enlarged tonight and a federal district court in each state with its own

complete personnel and a complete apparatus for enforcing its decrees oh it had enforcement

the act established federal oversight of state legislation by the familiar device of

interpretation whereby the supreme court might nullify state legislative or judicial action

which for any reason it saw fit to regard as unconstitutional yes I've always objected

to the reading of the 14th amendment which is after this as saying that the first amendment

and all the amendments needed to be adhered to by the states I always advocated for and believe

that the the correct way of interpreting it is that the constitution applies only to federal

governments and that states can do whatever they want one feature of the act which for our purposes

most noteworthy noteworthy is that it made the tenure of all these federal judgeships

appointed not elective and for life thus marking almost the farthest conceivable departure

from the doctrine of popular sovereignty semi collegiate says not talks about the political

rather than nobility or heredity the move to democracy allows the rulers to recruit or draft

additional bodies to do stuff like force the constitution while still making the force

look like popular government yeah and think about the two-party system so think about the

immigration thing that's going back and forth right now there Biden makes a big giant mess

and then Trump reacts with a big giant mess and we don't get to say this immigration policy

is ridiculous it's deliberately arbitrary and disruptive and dangerous and violent and inhumane

and unconstitutional and literally anyone you say that to is going to say well it's the other party

of not mine who's really to blame for this or his ad fault there's no coherent policy

and you could say that that's the problem with democracy but I would say that's the problem with

the democracy that's not that's a farce and I mean democracy representative republic I don't

even know how much it matters I've always kind of thought I'm an anarchist first and then I would

say constitutional monarchist after that which is why I fell in love with Hans Hermann Hopper's book

Democracy the God that failed because he opens with that because I kept thinking what what moment

in history was the real turning point and I thought about the civil war before that after that

and I thought every single time you get to any big crisis it's like crisis and Leviathan you just

get more government but the thing that really toppled the whole system I think was World War One

in that it took out all the monarchs and were you know some of the monarchs I was just reading about

the Norwegian monarchy and I know the Dutch monarchies in place the English monarchies in place but the

Germans gone Austria hungry is gone all of that so yeah then you have no one to blame then you

only have yourself to blame but in fact it's not a response to your wishes I definitely said it

was it will take a republican about gun control first because a caller said that to me a caller

said that to me in the early years of my show so it was at least 10 years ago and boy has it I

probably put in my glossary the expression the contrary law of democracy in my glossary 10 years

I think I did that in like 2013 where what you what you fear the most the party party not yours

is not going to get away with because you'll you'll go on to the mall with four million guns

or whatever the mall and DC it's the party it's your party who brings you what you fear the most

and they call it like left cover or right cover or we used to say silence the anti-war left under

Obama and I would say silence the fiscal conservative right under Reagan I'm sorry it was very

cheerful time but you look at the debt under Reagan I mean it compares the only one that dwarfs it

as the re-increasing debt under Trump the first one and I remember when Trump got elected

who like oh he's great but why said he's not like well where the I said look at the end of his term

whatever the reason things are not going to be going in the right direction we are not changing

course in this country by electing someone some party who you think is an outsider that's just not

happening the first chief justice was John Jay the learned and gentle Jay as beverage calls him

and his excellent biography of Marshall all these names came up when I was in law school

a man of superb integrity who was far above doing anything whatever in behalf of the accepted

principle that estboni judisus ampliara jurist dictionum I don't know any latin at all

else worth although I had my kids take Latin they went to Catholic school but my daughter wanted to be

a lawyer which you know it does come in handy so I had her or I encouraged her to take Latin all

the way through high school which she did so hopefully that'll help her out anyway else worth

and my son wants to be a doctor which will definitely come in handy although I don't know how he's

going to navigate that system with his opinions about jabs and whatnot but if you want to be a

dodged you should take Greek I believe that the sciences were fried by the Greeks and the laws

were better Romans anyway else worth who followed him right now new fan dual customers can get up

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also did nothing the succession however after j had declined a reappointment oh j had declined

reappointment then fell to john marshall who in addition to the control established by the

judiciary acts over the state legislative and judicial authority are which rarely extended

judicial control over both the legislative and executive branches of the federal authority

I hate this so much and this I lay at times Jefferson's feet and I don't even think it's binding law

but of course it is because we we accept it. Marry versus Madison I assume is what he's talking about

thus affecting as complete and convenient a centralization of power as the various interest

concerned and framing the constitution could reasonably have contemplated we may now see from

this necessarily brief survey which anyone may amplify and particularize at his pleasure

what the circumstances were which rooted a certain definite idea of the state still deeper

in the general consciousness that idea was precisely the same in the constitutional period as that

which we have seen prevailing in the two periods already examined the colonial period in the eight

year period following the revolution nowhere in the history of the constitutional period do we find

the faintest suggestion of the declaration's doctrine of natural rights and we find its doctrine

of popular sovereignty not only continuing in a bayon's but constitutionally as stocked from

ever reappearing nowhere do we find a trace of the declaration's theory of governments on the

contrary we find it expressly repudiated the new political mechanism was a faithful replica of

the old disestablished British model but so far improved and strengthened as to be incomparably

more close working and efficient and hands presenting incomparably more attractive possibilities

of capture and control by consequence therefore we find more firmly implanted than ever the same

general idea of the state that we have observed as prevailing hitherto the idea of an organization

of the political means an irresponsible and all-powerful agency standing always ready to be put

into use for the service of one set of economic interests as against another so he is preferring

the articles of confederation but he also pointed out that none of those states looked like they

were trying to be a hero and not just enforce the political means over the economic means at the

exploitation through the exploitation of the people are actually working. Dutch monarch is the

silent killer yes yes yes hey Jack Republicans have selective memory when it comes to Reagan

absolutely the Republican Party was a continuation of the big government federalists wigs which

were like the British Tories wanted government solutions to everything I know is always the most

disgusting people who make it to the top of the party for forest they used to call Reagan

Red Ronnie wow because they were in the red or cuz he was red we mean way back in the day when

he was the president of the screen actor skilled union the original Republicans were big

governments the civil war to curb states rights yeah cuz Lincoln was Republican okay out of this

idea what idea the idea of an organization of the political means an irresponsible and all-powerful

agency standing always ready to be put into use for the service of one set of economic interests

against another yes we've established that okay out of this idea proceeded what we know as the

party system of political management which has been effect in effect ever since here we go our

purposes do not require that we examine its history in close detail for evidence that it has been

from the beginning a purely bipartisan system since this is now a matter of fairly common acceptance

in his second term Mr. Jefferson discovered the tendency towards bipartisanship and was both

dismayed and puzzled by it I have elsewhere remarked his curious inability to understand how the

cohesive power of public plunder works straight towards political bipartisanship partisanship I don't

know I don't understand you in 1823 finding some who called themselves Republicans favoring the

federalist policy of centralization like you guys are talking about in the chat he spoke of them

in a rather bewildered way as pseudo Republicans but real federalists but most naturally any

Republican who saw a chance of profiting by the political means would retain the name and at the

same time resist any tendency within the party to impair the general system which held out such

a prospect in this way bipartisanship arises party designations become purely nominal and the state

stated issues between parties become progressively trivial yes so true and both are more and more

openly kept up with no other object than to cover from scrutiny the essential identity of purposes

in both parties is that not still true this was a hundred years ago so so true that's the party

system at once became in effect an elaborate system of fetishes which in order to be made as

impressive as possible were chiefly molded up around the constitution and were put on show

as constitutional principles the history of the whole post constitutional period from 1789 to

the present day is an instructive and cynical exhibit of the fate of these fetishes when they

encounter the one only actual principle of party action the principle of keeping open the channels

of access to the political means when the fetish of strict construction for example has collided

with this principle it has invariably gone by the board the party that maintained its simply

changing sides yes we have that side changing like crazy right now the anti-federalist party took

office in 1800 as the party of strict construction yet once in office it played ducks and tricks with

the constitution in behalf of the special economic interests that it represented i mean if he doesn't

talk about marbury v madison as being a geverson thing i think he should the federalists were

nominally for loose construction yet they fought bitterly every one of the opposing parties loose

constructionist measures the embargo the protective tariff and the national bank they were

constitutional nationalists of the deepest die as we have seen yet in their center and stronghold

new england they held the threat of secession over the country throughout the period of what they

harshly called mr. madison's war the war of 1812 which was in fact a purely imperialistic

adventure after annexation of florida and floridian and canadian territory in behalf of stiffening

agrarian control of the political means but when the planting interests of the south made the

same threat in 1861 they became fervid nationalists again such exhibitions of pure fetishism out

new englanders became fervid nationals yet territorial integrity whatever the hell that means

such exhibitions of pure fetishism always cynical and their transparent candor make up the history

of the party system their reductio adf-sertum is now seen as perhaps complete one cannot see how it

could go further in the attitude of the democratic party towards its historical principles of state

sovereignty and strict construction a fair match for this however is found in a speech made the

other day to a group of exporting and importing interests by the mayor of new york always known as

a republican in politics advocating the horrid democratic doctrine of a low tariff

throughout our opposed constitutional period there is not on record as far as i know a single

instance of party adherence to a fixed principle quah principle or to a political theory quah theory

i always hated that they said quah lot in law school i think it means as a like prisoners were

quah principle indeed the very cartoons on the subject show how widely it has come to be accepted

that party platforms and their content of issues are so much sheer quackery and that campaign

promises are merely another name for thimble rigging the work a day practice of politics has been

invariably opportunist or in other words invariably conformable to the primary function of the state

and it is largely for this reason that the state service exerts its most powerful attraction

upon an extremely low and sharp set type of individual so are there footnotes in this edition

the pdf that i am reading the website is fam guardian dot org slash publication slash r enemy the state

that definitely has footnotes and notes i would say at the end of each chapter so does this one really

lengthy but i feel like this so this also has footnotes but they're at the bottom of the page

and a lot of times i like to read the footnotes but i think even though this is my favorite book of

all time like to read with you i think it might be a little dry so i'm getting a little feedback that

fact i love it i personally would love to be folding my laundry to this right now but

so i'm not going to read the footnotes but i would have liked to but i think i'm going to

less is more when it comes to pure pithy libertarian concepts the maintenance of the system of

fetishes however it gives great enhancements of the prevailing general view of the state in that

view the state is made to appear somehow deeply and disinterestedly concerned with great

principles of action and hence in addition to its prestige as a pseudo social institution

it takes on the prestige of a kind of moral authority thus disposing of the last message of the

doctrine of natural rights by over spreading it heavily with the quicklime of legalism

whatever a state sanctioned is right yeah that's a that's a very annoying thing

that the law is a substitute for morality and ethics now the advantage of that and again this

just as one of the many things that is a problem because of the the complexity of society

so i had telling pull on my show once and he looks at me at heart and horror when i recounted to him

that when i was an investment banker and there were a lot of legal documents and i would like

try to debate with my boss about what was right or wrong and he said there's no right or wrong

there's what the lawyers say to do and doing that he said that's the way it is first of all you

don't put yourself on the line by like taking a stand but more important our fiduciary duty

is clearly defined as following these rules and laws that everyone knows about everyone depends

on them they rely on them and that's how it's going to come out in a court of law so you can't go

out of your way to be holier than the church here because we're all entering to these arms

length transactions according to a certain set of laws that we know about so i'm not i myself i'm

not arguing with not that whatever a state sanctioned is right is a wrong way of thinking of things

however it is important i mean they say and i've read this and i it's probably true that

maybe the most important factor in a stable economic society like we have is reliable contracts

contract law and i know i always and i think it's true that like the source of wall wealth or the

the ability to to apply resources efficiently and create real wealth is cost accounting is

understanding the relative value of the resources used labor and capital and natural resources

and the value of the and products but yeah i mean these things are important and it's important to

be able to rely on them communicate have some standards anyway let's let's go on because every

time i make a comment like that he seems to address something a little you know more

nuance than i had realized okay this double prestige is assiduously inflated by many agencies by

a state controlled system event okay the double prestige double prestige fetishes oh my god

okay in addition to its prestige i'm rereading as a pseudo social institution takes on the

prestige of a kind of moral authority so it doesn't really have social power it's stolen that

and it doesn't really have moral authority it's stolen that too that's disposing the last

vestige of the doctrine of natural rights by over spreading it heavily with the quick line of

legalism okay this double prestige moral authority and social institution

is assiduously inflated by many agencies by a state controlled system of education by a state

dazzled pulpit by a merititious press by a continuous kaleidoscopic display of state pump

panoply and circumstance and by all the innumerable devices of election hearing

these last invariably take their stand on the foundation of some imposing principle as

witness the agonized cry now going up here and there in the land for a return to the constitution

all this is simply quote the interested climbers and sophistry which means no more and no less than

it meant when the constitution was not yet five years old and Fisher Ames was observing

contemptuously that of all the legislative measures and proposals which were on the carpet at the

time he scarce knew one that had not raised the same cry quote not accepting a motion for a

adjournment i don't know what that means not accepting ex see not i don't know

in fact such popular terms of electioneering appeal are uniformly and notoriously what Jeremy

Bentham called imposter terms and their use invariably marks one thing and one only and marks

a state of apprehension either fearful or expectant as the case may be concerning access to

the political means did i tell you this that my dad used to worry wonder he could not understand

why rich people could be democrats and especially in rich states like Connecticut

and i i don't think i ever got a chance to tell him when it was like became so obvious to me

if a place is full of bankers or lawyers or accountants or economists or academics or anything

where they depend on government money or government contracts or a lot of laws of course they're

going to want the party they perceive as delivering a lot of laws so yeah that's that that's why

people are worried they don't and that that comes down to like every level and i mentioned this

too when i moved to texas i was like wow i've only ever lived in a democrat place like it's going

to be no i thought it would be libertarian because it was republican nah uh people voted

for their interests which i think washington said you cannot count on people to vote against their

interests anyway as we are seeing at the moment once let this access come under threat of

straightening or stoppage the menist interests immediately drop out the spavine spavine

sp a v i n e t what kind of war i've never seen that war before my life glandered

glandered hobby of states rights or returns to the constitution and put it through its galvanic

movements this is another thing i think like potent gets to take the high road on sovereignty and all

that because it favors him to do so if if it didn't he wouldn't anyway but he gets to take the

high road let the incidents of exploitation show the first sign of shifting and we hear it once

from one source of quote interested climbers and sophistry that quote democracy is in danger the

hour democracy is in danger and that the unparalleled excellences of our civilization have come

about solely through a policy of quote rugged individualism carried out under terms of quote

free competition while from another source we hear that the enormities of laissez faire have

ground the faces of the poor and obstructed entrance into the all caps more abundant life oh my gosh

another thing i was reading in e and davis was all this mumbo jumbo like the musk teal crowd is

saying about a i and a more prosperous world and i'm like more prosperous world when when

not only all of the excess wealth gets sucked up into that that vortex at the top

but it's like got a multiplier on it so all the prosperity that's created goes up and diminishes

at the same time from where we were before because and even if you put dollar signs on it a lot of

those dollar signs are just inflation anyway but monetizing everything women's work you know family

life putting a monetary value on every single thing maybe makes it look like you have a bigger

monetary footprint but it doesn't mean that you have a better life it doesn't even mean that you

have a more prosperous life the what is he calling it a more abundant life no i would argue the

Italians had a more abundant life than the english for many many years and for you know it might

be a nice task for a i but it's really the quotes and the citations that are so important

yeah marks edlin is all over it but i wonder if he if he gets into the psychological experiments

that were done in russia in the 50s and 60s because this is how i have an insight into like

israel was it was it tack or surveillance in china is surveillance like different places that

don't have our laws you crane i'm sure indian reservations we experiments are conducted

either intentionally on our behalf or secretly on our behalf or we just hijacked the information

or spy on them or whatever but other places do all these are are like have each you know silos

or whatever and i think in russia they did experimentation and then of course we go and say

well we can't keep up with them if we don't do human experimentation anyway so i'll look i'll look

in devlin's book maybe he'll come talk to me if i if i put enough effort to if i add some value

this is your brain on music really i did not i don't know anything about that i'll have to

look into it this is your brain on music daniel levitin the science of human levitin

author of the organized mind this is your brain on music the science of human obsession interesting

and here we conclude the last paragraph the general upshot of all of this is that we see politicians

of all schools and stripes behaving with the obscene depravity of degenerate children

like the loose-footed gangs that infest the railway yards and perliest of gas houses and perliuse

of gas houses each group tries to circumvent another with respect to the fruit accruing to acts

of public mischief in other words we see them behaving in a strictly historical manner

professor laske's elaborate moral distinction between the state and officialdom is devoid of

foundation the state is not as he would have it a social institution administered in an

anti-social way it is an anti-social institution administered in the only way an anti-social

institution can be administered and by the kind of person who in the nature of things is best

adapted to such service wow good one the state is not a social institution administered

in an anti-social institution administered in the only way an anti-social institution can be

administered and by the kind of person who in the nature of things is best adapted to such

service bam so true well look I know our enemy the state is on the dry side but I love it no you're

so lucky because there were I think five full pages but that's that I'm not reading to you you're

welcome but you know I love this stuff and love me love my dog you understand so next is chapter six

and I believe that is the last chapter yes it is and and is it a short one my friends it is a

short one always a pleasure chatting with you all and until next time this is Monica Perez