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What's the state of play after the first day of operation Roaring Lion? What tactical resources have the United States and Israel deployed and what's their division of labor? What are the operation's risks and opportunities? General David Petraeus joins Dan to examine the strategic and tactical planning and goals of the war.
General Petraeus is a retired four-star U.S. Army general and former CIA Director who led coalition forces in Iraq and Afghanistan and is widely recognized for shaping modern U.S. counterinsurgency strategy. He's also co-author of 'Conflict' with Andrew Roberts.
In this episode:
- 1:00 – Khamenei killed: The decapitation strike
- 3:00 – Day one of the war: Epic Fury and Roaring Lion
- 5:00 – How a strike like this gets built
- 8:00 – The daylight gamble
- 12:00 – U.S. forces in position
- 16:00 – Regime change or something else?
- 20:00 – U.S.–Israel coordination
- 28:00 – What comes next for Iran
More Ark Media:
Credits: Ilan Benatar, Adaam James Levin-Areddy, Brittany Cohen, Ava Weiner, Martin Huergo, Mariangeles Burgos, and Patricio Spadavecchia, Yuval Semo
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It helps us be here when it matters most. If you're not yet an inside Call Me Back subscriber,
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You are listening to an art media podcast.
Well, the president has been very clear that what he is after is regime change.
And now is the time to rise up. What is the character of those who take over? Will there be
somebody that can become the Dolce Rodriguez of Iran who will respond to direction from the
United States and say, you know what? You're exactly right. All this death to Israel and death to
the United States and nuclear program and arming proxies. What has it gotten us?
Ruin, absolute ruin in a country that should be one of the world's greatest energy superpowers.
It's 11 p.m. on Saturday, February 28th here in New York City. It is 7.30 a.m. on Sunday,
March 1st in Tehran. And it is 6 a.m. on Sunday, March 1st in Israel. As Israelis begin a new day.
Earlier this evening, the Iranian government confirmed that on Saturday during the first
hours of the joint Israeli and American strike on the Islamic Republic, the decades-long
supreme leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Hamani was killed. The attack reportedly targeted
Hamani during a meeting with members of his inner circle, who were also eliminated.
According to Iran's media, Hamani's daughter and grandchildren were killed as well.
Prime Minister Netanyahu was reportedly shown images of the Ayatollah's body.
Those were later shared with President Trump who declared that, quote,
evil Hamani is dead. Iran retaliated with missiles targeting Israel as well as six other
countries. Throughout the day, sirens were wailing across Israel, sending Israelis in and out of
bomb shelters in response to approximately 200 Iranian ballistic missiles. A direct hit in
Tel Aviv resulted in the death of one 40-year-old Israeli woman and dozens more were injured.
According to Emirati State media, one person had been killed in Abu Dhabi. Iran's attacks were
described as, quote, brutal Iranian aggression by Saudi leaders, who reportedly have been privately
lobbying President Trump to take action against Iran for some time now, while also publicly calling
for diplomacy. And now into today's episode. What is the state of play after the first day of
Operation Epic Fury, which is the name of the Operation for the U.S. military and Operation
Roaring Lion for the IDF campaign? What is the military strategy that is being deployed? How is it
all being coordinated between these two countries and others in the region? And what are the risks
and opportunities of this war? To answer this, we are joined by General David Petraeus. General
Petraeus is a retired four-star U.S. Army general and former director of the CIA, who also led
coalition forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, and has widely recognized for shaping modern U.S.
counterinsurgency strategy. He was also the commander of U.S. Central Command, where he had led
U.S. military operations in the Middle East, Central Asia, and parts of South Asia. General
David Petraeus on the military strategy in Iran. This is Call Me Back.
And I'm pleased to welcome to the podcast for the first time, General David Petraeus. General
Petraeus, thanks for being here. Great to be with you, Dan. So normally in podcasts, or typically
you often hear debates about opinions and sort of abstract ideas and all sorts of analysis,
but what you rarely hear is actually an in-depth sense of the operational and tactical complexity of
a military operation. Certainly one on the scale of what we've just witnessed, which is to me still
kind of jaw-dropping. And so we thought there was no one better than you to help us think through
what actually goes into something like this that we're witnessing and then where can it potentially
go. So let me just start with asking you, if you were still a commander in the military and you
were asked by the president to pursue certain objectives or to create options for certain objectives,
how does one go about the military planning for this? Because again, it strikes me that it's not
just the US military planning. It's the US military planning in coordination with the Israelis
and in coordination with the number of allies in the region and a very ambitious operation.
So can you just paint a picture for my audience of what happens? How does one get to work?
Well, look what goes into this, Dan, is actually decades and decades generations of experience and
expertise. Aviation off a carrier deck in particular is evolved over, again, many decades. This is
a generation's long achievement. All of that has taken place. The intensive exercises that the
commanders have had decades in a number of cases for the senior leaders, many iterations of this.
Of course, we've been a nation or in many respects since 9-11, often on. Obviously it had tailed off
a bit in more recent years, but here we are. Central commander is the most experienced by far
when it comes to actually carrying out the combined joint operations that we're seeing unfolding
here today and keep in mind that it's also carried out an intimate coordination with the intelligence
agencies of multiple countries as well. In fact, this was an extraordinary intelligence success.
And also, by the way, I'm just stunned by the extraordinary arrogance of the supreme leader
and the other senior leaders who presumably thought, well, they didn't come attack us in the middle
of last night because normally these are carried out at dark. We own the night and so forth.
In this case, we waited until the sun came up. They came out. They had meetings together. These
were clearly pinpointed and that gave the military the precise locations that were then attacked
with this stunning historical achievement of taking out the supreme leader and a number of the other
senior military and security force leaders. Noting, there obviously is a succession plan. In fact,
the Iranians even confirmed that there was a succession plan during some conversations
publicly last week. We've done this before. We've taken out senior leaders of the Revolutionary
Guards Corps quicks Force, Customs Soleimani, my most principal adversary when I was the commander.
So the question right now, having confirmed apparently that the supreme leader is dead and also
several others, is what will be the character of the individual who follows? Will it be someone who
all of a sudden proves to be a pragmatist or is it going to be another ideological hardliner
like Humanei who believes in that success is just surviving, which of course he didn't even
achieve this time. Now it was interesting to hear the president just recently a few minutes ago
put out a social media post noted that there are large numbers of the Revolutionary Guards Corps
and other security force elements that are defecting that want to lay down their weapons.
That would be very, very welcome news. The challenge here is that there is not an
Akman al-Shara figure out there. There's no opposition leader who can step forward and say rally to
me will take down this terrible regime that has taken a country with the second largest
natural gas reserves in the world and the third largest oil reserves, a civilizational society,
great education and everything else and has driven it into the dirt. I just heard a calculation
someone went back all the way to the Shah's regime and apparently the real has actually devalued
by 99 percent since that time. A stunning achievement on the part of the Iranians to take a
country with such potential and literally drive the economy into a deep ditch. You said something
a moment ago about the difference between operating at night versus during the day and just
for a listless understand that in the previous operations that Israel was in the US were involved
in with Iran when you go back to April 24, October 24, June 25 and Maduro and these strikes against
extremists and so forth. And as you mentioned, Kossum Shulamani, even that operation, these are
always done at night. So just can you paint that picture? What risk was Israel in the US taking
by conducting that part of the operation during the day versus doing it at night and why did they
take that risk? Well, because they assessed that they had mitigated sufficiently the normal risks
of operating during daylight, which is that the enemy can see you and shoot you down. But keep in
mind that during the last operation, the 12-day air campaign, the Israelis with RF35 we provided to
them took down the sophisticated Russian provided S 300 air and ballistic missile defense system
and virtually all the other air defenses that could reach an aircraft flying above say 12,500 feet
or so. So they really were defenseless. I'm sure that there were some initial strikes to confirm
that to take down anything they might have reconstituted. But normally, for example, we didn't
conduct special mission unit operations during the day very often. We did it almost always at night
because you have special aircraft circling above and you want the enemy to be able to see them and
try to shoot them down and they typically would go away in the morning. We also don't have operations
here where we're actually putting anyone on the ground with a helicopter that might be vulnerable
could be seen during the daylight, not at night. So I think this was a calculated and a brilliant move
actually if you think about it. Brilliant. I mean, move me. You got the element of surprise because
the Iranian leadership clearly didn't think that there was going to be a daytime operation. Yes,
and you had just had an announcement by the Omani Foreign Minister that there was a new offer.
Right. That they were close. Yeah. And the president was displeased, but he wasn't again rattling the
saber. So there was a tactical surprise, I think, achieved. And that proved to be sufficient
to take out a number of the senior leaders. Okay. Can you paint a picture for us in terms of
at least what we know? What is public about the US military assets that have been deployed?
Like just generally speaking, what's out there? Where and what are they doing? Because I think
it's very confusing to try to make sense of the map. Yeah. Let me come back just quickly,
but you asked about how do you develop options? Look, this plan has been in the works all the way
back to when I was the central command commander in 2009 when we were asked to develop a plan to
destroy the Iran nuclear program. So we've had these plans in existence. They've just been updated
repeatedly. By the way, when I was a central command commander, we thought we were going to carry out
the operation and we'd rehearsed it inside the United States. So that's how these plans come about.
Now, what is also really important and there were reports about this is that the chairman of
the joint chiefs and the central command commander, they're the two that really matter in this case,
sent comm having come up with the plans. Of course, the joint staff supporting the chairman
going through them and then the chairman and central command presenting them to the decision makers,
the chairman apparently rightly pointed out there are serious risks here. And one of those
entails what I mentioned earlier, which is the missile math. And one of the reasons that I believe
the 12-day war was brought to a close when it was was because there were starting to be worries
in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv and also in Washington about how many more missiles and launchers do the
Iranians have relative to how many interceptors do we have? And you don't want to make too close a
call with that needless to say. In fact, a missile just did get through and hit an apartment block
in Tel Aviv. I'm sure you've seen the footage of that. And they cause enormous damage. So,
again, now let's think about the laid down. We've had the aircraft carrier task force, the Abraham
Lincoln, the honest Abe out there. They're outside the Gulf, essentially off the coast of sort of
southern Iran, southern Pakistan. There are destroyers inside the Gulf. And that's important because
they have the, it's essentially a patriot like ballistic missile defense system and radar. These
are all integrated, integrated also with the destroyers. And then you have Israel's system.
Of course, that's integrated Jordan and the rest. And you have destroyers in the eastern
Med not only to protect that aircraft carrier, the Gerald Ford, the largest in the world, but also
to network again with all of this. And if necessary, if his Bala begins to strike Israel or goes after
our assets, we have that aircraft carrier with an extraordinary amount of combat power on it that
can respond into southern Lebanon as well. Now, what is interesting here is that we have not had
access to the bases that we normally would have. If you could go right down Kuwait, Bahrain,
Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, there are some side deals we believe it may be that air refuelers
are able to use one of the major bases that we have there, but not strike aircraft.
The Brits are flying by the way, but they're flying in defense as are some of our aircraft.
Jordan is a base that we have a substantial number of aircraft. They're F-15s and others.
But through most of the Middle East, other than Israel, it sounds like we did not have access to
the bases that we typically have access to. That is correct. They really did not want to be part
of offensive actions that would bring about the retaliation that we have actually seen, which is
another big Iranian miscalculation. Saudi Arabia, which I understand sent mixed messages. The
public message is that you can't use our bases. The private message was, if you don't do something,
you're going to look bad here. A message to the United States, the message was from the Saudis,
yeah. If you don't do something, it's destabilized. And again, presumably air space is open. I
can't imagine that again, but publicly, the presentation by the Gulf states was, we're not in this,
don't hit us. And they did get hit, which is stupid on the part of the Iranians and also a
miscalculation. And that means now they're going to be four square behind us. And we'll see as it
goes on, I wonder if they will open up some of their bases. It's obviously a lot closer. If you're
flying out of a Gulf state base right on the coast to get to Iran, although it does then introduce
some vulnerability for those aircraft, given the greater ability of Iran to strike now, then it
used to have a couple of decades ago. Okay. So you walked through what assets, US assets are out
there or in the region. Keep in mind, there's submarines as well. And submarine has very large numbers
of cruise missiles. I suspect that those have been used. You always want to use the unmanned
stuff to take down what they might have that could threaten our manned aircraft. There's also
air-launched cruise missiles that you can launch without having to get right over a target. There's
a bunch of assets here. Yeah. And I'm very confident that our forces are using them all superbly
in this operation. And in service of what strategy? Well, the president has been very clear that
what he is after is regime change. I mean, he said this. And now is the time to rise up. And they
have indeed decapitated the regime leadership to a reasonable degree. We don't know how many more
beyond the Supreme Leader. I think they got the Revolutionary Guards Corps Commander Chief. I
believe they got a defense minister. The president were not exactly sure, but a number of senior
leaders. So and that's going to have a very disruptive effect, but they have a succession plan. They
have deputy commanders and they've been through this before. So that will disrupt operations for a
while it may degrade some of the command and control capability. But again, there will be others
that will assume those roles and carry forward. And then again, the question really is what is the
character of those who take over? Will there be somebody that can become the Dolce Rodriguez
of Iran who will respond to direction from the United States and say, you know what,
you're exactly right. All this death to Israel and death to the United States and nuclear program
and army proxies. What has it gotten us? Ruined, absolute ruin in a country that should be one of
the world's greatest energy superpowers. And the biggest challenges. What would you like if you
just had to take off the biggest challenges and operation like this? Sure. It's the missile
net again. And by the way, keep in mind that this administration has carried out a number of
operations now that have been nearly flawless. And yet some of them much dice here, I think,
then people seem to realize then as well operation, 150 aircraft simultaneously shut off the lights,
shut down the internet dealt with all the quick reaction forces took out all the air and ballistic
missile defense systems. But at the end of the day, the individual received the mental
of honor. It is the pilot. He got hit three times landing his very large MH 47 with dozens of
special mission unit operators in the back. But at the end of the day, it's almost miraculous
to carry that out and not have somebody killed. There were some seriously wounded, but again,
no one killed. But there can be something that can happen. Somehow something miraculously
gets through defenses and sinks a ship with hundreds of soldiers on it, her sailors on it. So
that I think I'm sure that the chairman went right through all of those different challenges.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Yes. And that is his job. I think, by the way, he's been
doing a very impressive job. In terms of the Israeli role, you come at this from the American military
perspective. You've worked very closely over the years with the Israelis. Can you talk a little
bit about the Israeli role in all of this? Sure. Look, the intelligence that Israel has had
over the decades inside Iran has been stunning. Remember that Israel was not part of central command
when I was the commander. I advocated for that, but it just was still a legacy that it was with
European command. So I couldn't go to Israel myself. So the Israeli Chief of Staff would come to the
Pentagon and we would surreptitiously meet in the office that I would have. He'd just
rewonder by and, ah, come on in. And the very first time that happened, he opened up a notebook.
It was just the two of us. And he showed me photographs that had clearly been taken inside
very, very sensitive facilities in Iran. I already knew in the agency had told me how extraordinary
their intelligence was, how much they've penetrated. But we've seen that repeatedly since then.
Think about the operation that stole all the nuclear records right from downtown Tehran. Look
at the operation carried out during the 12-day air campaign where Mossad set up drone bases,
drone launch sites out in the desert inside Iran and then put those together with exquisite
intelligence to target over a dozen nuclear scientists and the other senior leaders that they
took out. So again, they are extraordinary in this particular category and many others. And the
agency works very closely with them. And then the combined product, of course, is what also
enables military and other operations. What will be curious to see is, has there been something else
of foot? Is there some kind of operation to try to help an opposition develop real capability?
The problem so far, of course, has been these hundreds and hundreds of thousands of demonstrators
have essentially been spontaneously gathering. It's almost like flash mobs, but without real
leadership and certainly without military capability. Remember what enabled Ahmed Al-Shar in Syria,
was that he had built a real force and that force proved to be overwhelming with a rotten
regime forces that were left inside Syria of the murderous Bashar al-Assad when the
his bullet forces couldn't come to the rescue where evolutionary guard scorer weren't there
and Russia air power and special operations forces weren't available. What can be the
equivalent here? Where is a force which could also perhaps attract to its ranks, the disaffected
revolutionary guards corps and other security force members, the president highlighted.
So just in terms of the synchronization of these two systems, the Israeli system and the US
system, because it's not like in the 12-day war, my understanding, the Israel was operating at
the front end. And then, you know, while the US may have been involved, it was really Israel's
show at the beginning and then the US came in. So there are big liaison teams. Dan, there's
big liaison teams with each other. Common operational picture is shared. All the air picture
is shared. There's a very elaborate system to integrate what each of us has and to provide it
to the other. In their elements of our force, quite substantial on the ground in the Syria, I'm
sure, or other locations that enable very old coordination. And I'm sure that their central
command headquarters as well, they always have been. So it's a central operation that's coordinating.
Well, there are many central operations. What you have is a system of systems. The unique aspect
of central command is that it has had a combined air operation center active doing real combat
operations on a daily and nightly basis for decades. You know, it started again with the response
to the 9-11 attacks. It kept building. It got bigger and bigger. It drew down some. It's probably
not necessarily in the old headquarters, which is a two-story temporary building above ground out
there in one of the Gulf states because of the threat now that exists. And I'm sure that a
number of our different headquarters have slimmed down, gone underground or relocated somewhere
out of range. But no, we've had a combined air operation center. It's very easy to plug that
all in. You have a terrific air picture. I mean, think of this as a regional FAA center. And
they've got enormous resources to show this and keep in mind. And in the air, we have AWACS and
other aircraft as well. So there's very, very substantial coordination of everything in this
effort. And the stick missile defense system too. That's all shared. It's all integrated.
What was interesting during my time as central command commanders, I couldn't get the Gulf states
to share with each other. So what we did is we had them share with us and then we pumped it back
to them. So we were the integrators. We called it bilateral multilateralism. And that is on
going as well. That's how all of this keep in mind all the different elements that are part of
the air and ballistic missile defense architecture, the early warning, the radars, the tracking of
these missiles, determining who's going to take it and all the rest that ends happening very quickly.
Some of it at machine speed with certain of the capabilities because you do not quick enough,
you're hitting a bullet with a bullet. The physics of this are astonishing. But the tragedy is,
as we saw with the strike that actually hit in Tel Aviv, during the 12-day war, I think it was
roughly five to seven percent of the missiles did get through. And of course, avoided any
catastrophic. But that's something you can't always count on happening. And then, of course,
there's a coordinated division of labor just as it was during the 12-day campaign. Although in
that case, these rallies really did the first 10, 11 days. And we piled on massively with the B-2
bombers, which again, we haven't yet seen. And I'm sure they'll materialize. At some point here,
they'll fly out of US bases and be refilled in the air all the way out there until they drop
their massive ordinance. They can go all the way up to the 30,000-pound precision munition that
is called the massive ordinance penetrator, which is what pile-drived its way through the deeply
buried site at Fort O. But in this case, the Israelis very likely were the ones that said,
we'll do the regime seek leader targets. We've got the precise intelligence real-time,
we've done this before. We have the aircraft that can do it. You focus on this. Sometimes you
have a geographic division. Sometimes you have other ways. You're essentially doing, again,
aircraft command and control, just like aircraft controllers do in the FAA towers. There are
airlines, except on a very broad and regional scale. And as I mentioned earlier, I suspect there
are other than the British that are flying right now as well to help with the ballistic missile
defense effort. During the President's State of the Union Dress last week, General Petraeus,
and then also the statement he issued over once the operation was underway, the statement he made,
he framed everything about this operation. I've been struck by this. In the context of
America's interest, America's national security, for instance, the State of the Union,
he talked about Iran's ballistic missile capabilities, being able to breach US bases in Europe,
maybe someday in the US. And about how the Iranian regime had so much American blood on its hands.
This is the legal underpinning for this operation. This is self-defense. Keep in mind the
President's powers versus Congress's powers. And the President has very broad authority if it
is self-defense. This is how they cast the operation to kill Customs Soleimani in Trump 1.0.
They said that he was planning imminent attacks. So we had to take action. We couldn't
consult with Congress. We needed to go at the time where we had that fleeting target identified.
And so I think that's part of what is going on. I suspect he will actually then notify Congress
the way that war powers act requires. But I think they just didn't want to get into it with Congress
ahead of time. And of course, let's acknowledge that if you control both houses of Congress,
things are a little bit easier than certainly if you do not. And operation like this, you were
obviously very involved in operations in Iraq and Afghanistan very involved in the central command.
We had separate operations during that time outside of those Yemen, Somali pirates,
maritime freedom of navigation, and so forth. But take Iraq 2003, which I think actually is when
you and I first met. My understanding is what the US deployed to the region now for this operation.
In terms of naval assets and air assets, not ground forces, obviously, but in terms of naval
and air assets, what the US has deployed in recent months to the region is comparable to what was
deployed to the region and the lead up to the Iraq war. Is that roughly accurate? I just don't know,
Dan. We had an awful lot of aircraft all up and down the Gulf at that time. We had 2.0 aircraft
carriers and so forth. There were an awful lot of strikes that went in. And we had a lot of
naval forces inside the Gulf. So they're much closer at that time to the target than we have
comparably now. So again, I just don't know. What I do know is that when I took command of US
central command, there were 250,000 soldier sailors, airmen, Marines in the theater, another 250,000
contractors. And we always had two aircraft carrier test forces and the airfields were full
of planes and how you did encounter an Abu Dhabi in Kuwait, even off and on in Bahrain in some
of the other countries. So no question. This is a very substantial force. And I don't think it's
fully at strength yet. I am waiting for the B2 bombers to enter this. I'm waiting for the B52
bombers to do what? What would those do that hasn't been done? Well, we want to go back and certainly
pulverize Esfahan if they actually have underground stocks of 60% uranium. We want to do a way
as much of their, not just the missile launchers and missiles, but their manufacturing capacity
because they were trying to rebuild this. That's why many of us expected it a month or two from
now. Israel was going to go back anyway. We want to really set them back in all the areas that
are most worrisome and most threatening to US national interests and our allies and partners
in the region, especially Israel, given the death to Israel, which always follows death to America.
In terms of now going forward, just wrapping up this conversation, what do you think is at stake
right now? I'm going to say this is incredibly impressive what the US and Israel have done here.
So from a military standpoint, a future of Iran and so say more about that. Say more about that
because Iran is not just about the future of Iran. It's Iran's role in the region.
A future of a huge country, which has incredible potential and has not realized it remotely,
which has sowed the winds of its own demise here by arming these proxies, all of which now are
dramatically degraded, possible exception of the Houthis, but even they have been taken down a
few pegs. Syria is no longer an ally for them. His bull is a shadow of its former capability.
Hamas not destroyed by any means, and that is a challenge to be sure, but dramatically degraded
and encircled. So it's about what decision does the future leader decide to take? What trajectory?
Does he want to continue? Does he double down on again, death to America, death to Israel,
and be a religious hardliner? If so, then they're in for a tough time and we may be as well.
Or do they want to be pragmatic and see what an alternative approach might provide?
You'll see how that goes, but could be one that sees that its potential would be vastly greater.
If they just tried to get along in the region, as opposed to being this ideological hardline
regime in a country, which by the way is one of the more secular and educated in the entire region.
But do you think you can get stability? If we're saying are we headed for a period of chaos,
a period of stability? You're painting a picture of a path, possibly the stability.
You can only answer this by starting with it depends, just like any economist answers,
any question on the one hand on the other hand. Yes. Yeah. Yeah. There's a number of factors
that will determine whether they're civil war. I mean, could this be the moment when the
Azarees rise up or the Kurds or the Turkmen or the Sunni or what have you? We just really don't know.
Can this be the Syrian civil war for a decade before someone pulls it back together? Or could there
be some leader who steps forward? It depends absolutely on who the leader emerges and then does that
leader have the most guys with the most guns? It's not normally in this kind of situation,
regime being toppled that the good guys come forward. It's not necessarily the person the people
would have elected. It's the person that can actually galvanize the most force and then go forward
and establish control. And that's what we're going to have to see. And that's where, as I mentioned
earlier, it would be really interesting if Mossad and maybe my old great organization, the CIA,
had been doing something behind the scenes to set the stage for someone to emerge. I mean,
you hear the Shah's son and so forth, but it hasn't been in runs since 1978, I believe it is.
You know, there's no pan-shear valley here with Ahmad Shah Masood ready to lead the Northern
Alliance, although tragically you got assassinated right before that happened. Last question for you.
You wrote this terrific history, military history book with Andrew Roberts, which we'll link to in
the show notes. You know, Hamas launches this attack on October 7th. And here we are two and a half
years later, as you're laying out here, a region, the Middle East being transformed before our eyes,
in ways that no one from Yehya Sinwar or the Supreme Leader of Iran possibly could have imagined
that this is where we would be today. Is there anything in modern military history that is
comparable to this, the extent to which, you know, this sort of own goal by Hamas that then
catalyzes this kind of military response that transforms the circumstances and the geopolitics
of an entire region like this. I'm just hard pressed to find anything like it.
Well, the 9-11 attack certainly spurred quite a number of actions, not all of which turned out
as quickly and as easily and as nicely as we hope needless to say. The Arab Spring comes to mind as
well, but it seems to me that the scale of this and the significance of this that the pariah of the
region and its proxies have just done themselves in so substantially is a bit unprecedented. But
with that, Dan, it's really been great to be with you and I thank you for the invitation.
Thank you General Pradesh. I appreciate it. Thank you. You bet.
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is where Nadavela meets Segal and I respond to challenging questions from listeners and have
the conversations that typically occur after the cameras stop rolling. To subscribe, please follow
the link in the show notes or you can go to arcmedia.org that's arkmedia.org. Call Me Back is produced
and edited by Juan Benatar. Arcmedia's executive producer is a Dom James Levin Aready. Our
production manager is Brittany Cohn. Our community manager is Ava Wiener. Our music was composed
by Yuval Semmo, Sound and Video Editing by Liquid Audio. Until next time, I'm your host, Dan Sienor.
Call Me Back - with Dan Senor
