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for free shipping and 365 day returns, quince.com slash Tara. A lot's going to come down to
who Trump endorses. I mean, certainly, I think a Trump endorsement in this race matters a lot
more than a Kamala Harris endorsement in this race. And we're live. Welcome to the Tara Paul
Mary show, meet the red letter on YouTube and sub-stack to talk about the hottest race in America
right now, Senate race. Texas at least captivates the imagination of the wanks for people who are
truly engaged in politics, because Democrats have come so close for so long to winning statewide
in Texas, but it hasn't been since 1994, if I'm correct. Yes, they haven't won since 1994 in Texas,
but even Beto O'Rourke captured the nation. Hundreds of millions of dollars are spent on these races,
whether it's Colin Adriel, Allred, who I think raised over a hundred million dollars.
Beto O'Rourke aren't one single race, and they get so close, and it's become a bit of a white whale,
and that's why I've got Alex Hoffman on the show. He's a Democratic strategist, and he's always
keeping it real about what is possible for the party and whether this is the perfect storm.
Is it finally the perfect storm for Democrats? We'll see. We're going to break it all down.
We're going to talk to, first about how did James Telleriko, a guy who really ran on unity rather
than resistance on a more moderate message than an anti-Trump message in Texas? How he was able
to take back some of Trump's gains, actually, in Texas, and to defeat Jasmine Crockett, who arguably
had much bigger name identity and a larger following, and obviously a closer connection with
a Democratic base, how he was actually able to win a primary. We're going to go into all of it,
and more what does it mean next steps? Republicans, stick around, leave your questions in the comment
section, and we are going to put your questions up for Alex to answer, because he's the inside guy.
He advises both candidates and donors on strategy and how to help Democrats win.
Alex, thanks for joining the show. I want to talk about this. How did James Telleriko beat
Jasmine Crockett despite her profile and the Kamala Harris endorsement?
Thanks for having me, and I think just to answer those two quick things, one, by being the
better candidate, and two, I don't think anyone's ever going to convince me that Kamala Harris
endorsement in Texas is going to be a good thing. I mean, last I remember, I think she lost Texas by
15 points. I'm not sure that helps. I mean, sure, Democratic primary, but I think that proved
that it really matter. Last time you and I talked, I said something negative about Kamala Harris,
and the first thing Fox News did was clip that and say that. So before I do say things about that,
Fox News, if you're listening, happy to say that live. But I mean, listen, I think I know she just
endorsed Telleriko after he won. I don't, I think the best thing that Kamala Harris can do to help
Democrats win is not endorse or say anything personally. But look, when it comes to Texas,
specifically, look, I think Telleriko ran a great race. I think, you know, first of all, he got out
really early. You know, Jasmine obviously jumped in a little later. Colin had to get out of the race
for her to jump in. You know, I think James really has done an interesting job weaving in
faith and freedom and the flag and the three things that usually Democrats are told that we're,
we don't represent. And I think especially in Texas, those places, those things actually
really, really matter. And you know, it's nice to see that there are candidates out there that,
you know, don't have to just see the ground to Republicans on that.
But you know, frankly, I think the big difference maker is that, you know, James was talking about
Texas, right? I think, you know, Jasmine's profile and Dr. Neuron, she's great, but Jasmine's profile
is all about anti-Trump and, you know, just all things that are negative to the MAGA administration
and the MAGA movement. And I think James kept it very Texas, which, you know, to me is how you went.
Yeah, sorry about that. I just got cut out for a second from the show and I had a, I've just had
some technical issues, but I do think you're right. And I wonder if, you know, if this is the sign
that Kamala Harris should probably stop making endorsements for the party and or maybe she needs
to choose where the right place for her endorsement should be. And maybe it's also a sign that
she should probably sit out 2028. Yeah, I mean, I've got a lot of opinions and feelings on that.
I mean, look, first, you know, on the Texas side of it, you know, I think at the very beginning
of this, you mentioned, you know, white whale versus perfect storm. And like, I've been
definitely on record saying that Texas has been the Democratic white whale for a really,
really long time. And I think a lot of people looked at this race as, you know, is this a perfect
storm, right? You know, are we going to have the, you know, that the right candidate up against
frankly, the Republican wrong candidate, right? And, you know, I think, you know, Kamala endorsed
Jasmine. They obviously have a good relationship. I mean, you know, I, you know, that was her choice.
Clearly, that endorsement didn't mean anything. You know, look, I think, especially for Texas,
as much as I think the donors try to make this more of a nationalized race, you know, this race has
to be about Texas. That's to be about who's going to provide and do the best service for Texas.
And, you know, I think James proved that and said that to a lot of people in the primary. And I
think, you know, in the general, he's going to prove that he absolutely is the right choice to
represent Texas, right? And, you know, look, I think this isn't really going to come down to,
are we, for that quote-unquote perfect storm? Are we actually running against the right candidate?
Right? I mean, you know, if it's Paxton versus Tel Rico, I really like our chances, right?
If it's Cornyn versus Tel Rico, you know, I think we're still waiting into that Ben O'Rourke
anti-Ted Cruz feel. But certainly, there's no, there's no doubt in my mind that Tel Rico gives us
the best chance. He's always been the one that's going to give us the best chance. And, you know,
as long as we have a chance of again, someone like Paxton, for sure, Cornyn, I think it's sure
of still the shot, but a lot harder wrote, right? I mean, people forget John Cornyn's been around for
a long time, right? He knows that state. I mean, he's one in that state a lot. Now,
obviously, you know, we've talked about this before, but a lot's going to come down to
who Trump endorses. I mean, certainly, I think a Trump endorsement in this race matters a lot
more than a Kamala Harris endorsement in this race. Yeah, I think you're right. And Trump,
you know, by not endorsing essentially created this issue that the Republicans are in right now,
I find to be very interesting that a lot of people who used to work for Donald Trump that
worked on John Cornyn's team, they were not able to secure an endorsement for him, but we will get
into that, you know, we'll get into that later. So I want to talk about Tallariko's campaign.
He really, like, he ran on faith, unity, coalition building, and really the idea of running
on faith, he's a pastor, he's in his 30s, early 30s, it's really different than this kind of like
punchback resistance. We're seeing the body slam politics, the anti-Trump resistance.
It's offering, do you think it offers a new model for how Democrats should run in 2028,
or should they go with the Gavin Newsom style of like trolling, go, if when they go low, you go lower.
Well, I mean, listen, as a person who's never bought into the when they go low, we go high mentality,
I would love to just see Democrats fight back more all around the country. I think you're
already seeing a lot of that. Certainly, I think a lot of our governors are showing how to fight back,
Gavin being one of them, but there's many others that have really been standing up to Trump
over the last year at this point. You know, look, I think James is a very different candidate,
right? I mean, you know, for Democrats to win in Texas, we needed something different, right? We
needed someone who couldn't be painted as this, you know, Democratic quote-unquote,
woke liberal out of touch, you know, anti-American lack of faith candidate, right? Like we've
been painted and tagged as that way too much, right? And, you know, the fact that James can get up
there and quote the Bible more than, you know, pretty much any other Republican currently serving.
I mean, you know, that's a strong thing for us to have, right? I mean, you know, I would love
nothing more than for people to understand that just because Republicans say, or MAGA folks,
say that they represent the flag and faith and all those things, doesn't mean that we have to
seat the ground for that, right? Like we're just as patriotic, we're just as, you know, devoted to our
own faiths. You know, I think if we had more candidates that sounded like, look like James in a way
that, you know, can get out of the stump and really connect with people at a personal level,
I think that is a huge model that we should run on. I mean, now, great, did there aren't necessarily
James's Talluriko's in every single state, but, you know, I think it's incumbent upon Democrats to
find them, right? I mean, you know, if we could have found James Talluriko, you know, 10 years ago,
and, you know, did what Republicans do and kind of play the long game on some of these candidates,
where we really kind of positioned them to long-term be successful. You know, who knows? I mean,
I'd love to find candidates like James, not necessarily on just the faith or that side of
things, but just generally that, you know, around the country, we should be cultivating and putting
into positions where we can make sure that they win in the long run. And, you know, if that means
that we lean more into certain messages that Republicans think is their own, that they have
a monopoly on, so be it, right? Like that's the thing I like that I want to see about Democrats do,
like take the fight to them, don't let them, you know, define the ground that we're fighting on.
Instead, we need to be able to say no. We own those values just as much as you can. You can't
claim the flag belongs to you, or the patriotism belongs to you, or the faith belongs to you.
Right. You know, it has to be people deciding for their own, which can't that it really
truly represents that. And like that's a great example of going against Paxton. No one's going
to tell me that in a James Talluriko, James Paxton scenario, that someone's going to look at Paxton
and say, yeah, you know, that person definitely represents my values of faith and all these things.
Like I just don't see it, right? And, you know, I think there's an authenticity to that that's
been missing among a lot of Democrats. And, you know, I think James has that authenticity, right? So,
you know, in that mindset, could that be a perfect storm? It's possible, right? But, you know,
again, it's still Texas. I think we also need to consider the fact that James
Talluriko campaigned earlier. Like he didn't, you know, he came campaign before,
Crockett, and while she came on the scene late and with a huge national identity and a huge ID
national, you know, name, he was laying the groundwork in places that she was not. But I wonder
how much this exposure at the end from Colbert when James, when Stephen Colbert said that they,
that the FCC was telling him that he that they weren't allowing him to air the Talluriko interview.
Suddenly, this guy, James Talluriko, this 30-something who was in Jasmine Crockett's shadow,
overnight raised $101.25 million. I mean, maybe that was a game changer. And then all millions and
millions of people have to watch this interview that couldn't be aired on CBS News, right?
It was amazing. Like, what would you say that's worth in advertising, political advertising?
It's tough to put an actual number on how much that probably was worth. I mean, the cold air thing,
no question, helped tremendously, right? I mean, you know, I think, you know, when I always think of
Texas, I always think of Republicans want us to spend money there because if we're spending money
in Texas, it means we're not spending money in other places that we could be winning. And you know,
look, maybe they did a calculation somewhere, someone said to the folks at Paramount Skydance,
hey, you know, James Talluriko's big threat to us, we can't have him on. So maybe that backfire
for them. I mean, they also could have seen it the opposite way where maybe they thought, you
know, this was going to just create more division among Democrats. I think no one's going to really
know what the backroom decision making was on how that came out. But in the end, there's no doubt
that that tremendously helped James, right? I mean, you know, I think that helped certainly on the
donor side, right? Like, I think let's be clear, you mentioned that James was out very, very early.
James was definitely around at various different counties and places that other people weren't
starting earlier. You know, he also happens to be, you know, a state representative. So he's
always on the ground there. I mean, Jasmine, obviously, is in Congress. So, you know, she's
best to be in Congress a lot, right? But, you know, I think there's no question that James really,
because he got out early, because he had a lot of this kind of infrastructure that's built around,
by the time the Colbert stuff happened, you know, I think it was like injecting jet fuel, right?
You know, versus Jasmine, I mean, look, I mean, I think if you ask any other operatives kind of
in the space at this point, I think there was a lot of stuff written about. She was running a quote-unquote
unconventional campaign or non-traditional campaign. I think that was kind of code for not
running a very good campaign. You know, look, I think she obviously tapped into pockets of voters
that I think obviously are very, very important to James winning in the wrong run. I'm glad to see
that she conceded and glad that she endorsed him. I'm glad that she's saying that she'll do all she
can, because we got to make sure the Democrat wins. Yeah, and listen, I hope she does that, right? I hope
that she's the one knocking on doors in Dallas and in Houston, and, you know, making sure that,
you know, all those folks are coming out to vote for James that may have voted for her. And, you know,
listen, I mean, the thing that got pointed out last night, this voter suppression issue, I mean,
that's a real thing, right? That's been baked into the cake to fight against Democrats for a really
long time, and we saw great examples of it yesterday. And, you know, I mean, it's just some of the
things that James is going to consistently be up against, right? And, you know, I think the more
we can have real levels of Democratic unity here, where we're actually coming together and saying,
hey, you know, you may have voted for Jasmine before, but you know, James, you know, you don't hate James,
so you should get on board with James, because he's definitely better than Ken Paxson, and certainly,
you know, better than John Cornen by all metrics right now. So, you know, the hope is that the fact
that James has already been out there in a lot of these counties that we don't normally go into.
And, you know, now having won, and frankly, now having Jasmine's support, I think, you know,
that should hopefully carry him, right? But like I said, now it's about the other side, right?
Now it's about, is it Paxson or Cornen? Where does Trump fall in on that? You know,
is that going to be the thing that leads us to this perfect storm, right? Is it going to be that
we're up against a guy like Ken Paxson, who has a terrible record, that guy was almost impeached,
like all these things, right? And, you know, it was getting divorced on biblical grounds.
Right. Yeah, he's right. You can just list off the name.
Oh, yeah. He's problematic. Yeah, I mean, he's a dream to run against if you're any candidate,
let alone someone like James, who, I mean, again, as you see James, you can't really question his
fate, you can't really question who he is. He says authentic as it gets. But on the other side of it,
you look at Ken Pax and you go, hey, this guy's going to do whatever it takes to win or just
suck up to Trump in any way, say, perform. And, and, you know, clearly we can't trust him.
He's a people in his own party. Don't trust him, right? Like I think if that's the guy that James
is running against, I think we got a great shot. Yeah. And you didn't think that there was a great
shot with Beto. And you always, you thought that was a white whale then. You thought the same thing.
Yeah, I mean, listen, look, I mean, there are, there are a couple things that always, to me,
or why this is a white whale. First of all, the voter suppression issue is real, right? We saw
that last night. And we're going to see it again, right? Like there, there is no question that any time
we're going to see an instance where we're saying, hey, stay in line, stay in line,
someone of the Texas Supreme Court isn't going to say, no, sorry, you can't vote, right? Like,
we're going to see that more, not just for this next election, but in many elections to come,
right? Voter, so voter suppression is one, right? The second is, you know, we're always,
especially as a party is especially in Texas, obsessed with demographics, right? You know, we're,
we're obsessed with this idea that, oh, you know, if we just get enough Latino voters or Black
voters or X, Y, and Z specific demographic to vote for us, that's going to be it, right? And
I think certainly over the last couple of elections, we've shown that we aren't necessarily
winning Latino voters and we don't necessarily have the right messaging. We're too busy, you know,
in 2024, we were too busy talking about, you know, abortion and immigration instead of talking about,
you know, education and healthcare, right? And the economy, right? And, you know, in my mind,
I think where James can set this apart a little differently is A, he's, you know, he's already
been on the ground, so he actually understands, I think what real folks in Texas are actually looking
for. But I think he can talk about issues that are directly affecting folks in Texas, affordability,
right? Healthcare, education, energy, right? I mean, all of those things are super important in a lot
of these pockets where those demographics exist. You know, I don't think you could have said the
same thing about Beto. I don't think he was able to market himself in that same kind of way.
But again, like I think this has to be that perfect storm, right? It's a white whale until it's
a perfect storm, right? And no matter what, we're going to be fighting the suppression issues. We're
going to be up against, can we convince demographic groups to vote for us? We're going to be up
against, frankly, an entrenched machine that's been in Texas, that's been winning in Texas for decades,
right? And like you said, we have it one statewide there since the 90s, right? I mean, that's
that's a problem, right? So like, you know, I mean, do we have the infrastructure to compete with that?
Will we have the money? But yeah, we'll probably have the money because a bunch of people will
flood a bunch of money in. But, you know, is that enough to get over the suppression issues?
Is that enough to get over the demographic issues? But we'll say, I mean, and by the way,
I'll say one last thing about this, you know, I think Democrats have moved from this model,
and Greg Schultz says this all the time that we used to be this party that was all about,
you know, persuasion and that we moved to turn out was all about how do we, it went from how do
we persuade people and how do we convince people that we have the right message that we can actually
win and that we're actually going to provide for you and support you as the voter to, okay, this
is a math problem. We just got to get X number of people out there. We just got to get them out. And
if more of our people show up, we're going to win. And I think where you have a candidate like James,
who maybe speaks to more of the independent voters or maybe speaks to maybe frankly, even some
conservative Republican voters who frankly don't like a guy like Paxton. And they can say,
look, I may not agree with James 100% on every single thing, but certainly maybe he identifies a
little bit more with my values or, you know, Texas values, as I'd say, then a guy like Paxton would.
Yeah. But if you are a Republican looking at Talarika, what weaknesses are you trying to exploit?
Because I'm hearing from the White House that he's a radical mom Donnie, this and that,
like they are trying to make him seem like he has radical as you know, as a
AOC as they would like to see as the most radical, you know, Democrat in their minds.
But that's not who Talarika is. And do you think that the people of Texas are buying that messaging?
I mean, I think that is, first of all, obviously, you know, I'm not a huge
mandami fan. I've been pretty unrecorded about not being a big mandami fan. I think he's going to
cost Democrats a lot of elections because I think of some of his radical left-leading policies
are not what speaks to most of America personally. But I think, you know, what the typical Republican
and MAGA playbook is anything other than us is radical woke left. And, you know, I think it's about
our people willing to open their own eyes and make their own decisions and, you know, hear these
folks out, right? I mean, I think the Trump MAGA world and landscape has moved people a little bit
away from just because you have a D next to your name or an R next to your name doesn't necessarily
mean that you represent one thing or another, right? Like you can be your own independent person,
make up your own individual mind and say, you know what, this person actually represents my values.
This person does speak to me. This person does actually understand what it means to, you know,
have to work multiple jobs or worry about affordability or worry about health care or worry about
my kids' education, right? You know, I think we're starting to see in certain places around the
country and Texas could be one of those places that, you know, maybe a guy like James is appealing
because, you know, he understands and can speak to my own values, right? I mean, again, you know,
I think they're going to try to paint not just him but any Democrat as this woke left liberal,
whatever mandani-esque figure, but I think I give a lot more credit hopefully to the average
American voter who hopefully can make up their decisions for themselves and not fall for the
trap, right? I mean, if you're seeing on social media, if you're meeting this guy, I think those
are two totally different versions of what you're hearing, right? There's the version that MAGA
Trumpland want to, you know, try to say he is versus when you actually hear from him or meet him,
you go, huh, that doesn't sound like what you're describing. Like, I've never heard this guy,
you know, a super woke left Democratic, whatever, quote, a verse from the Bible and talk about how
that's why we should be, you know, understanding things about our neighbor and, you know, treating
everybody with respect and, you know, making lives better for people instead of harder for people,
right? I mean, I think he had that great line about, you know, like we're talking about the wrong
1% right? Like, you know, talking, you know, the folks on the Republican side are going to always
want to talk about the transgender issue or talk about, you know, Muslim ban X or whatever it is.
And he's like, we're talking about the wrong 1% here. I mean, like, that's, that's a great line
that I think is stuck with a lot of people, the James used. And I think as much as Republicans are
going to try to paint that, I think it's going to be hard with a guy like him. You always see Democrats
doing better when they pick preachers in red states. You know, who's the, I'm liking on his name
and I feel we're not in Georgia. Georgia, it's sometimes like they're, I do think when they pick
preachers, they tend to do better because they resonate with the community in ways and I don't know,
it just seems like there seems to be a trend there. I mean, I think Democrats have figured out
over the last couple of cycles that like I said, we shouldn't be seeding the ground on faith,
on the flag, right? Like, you know, we should be able to say that we have Democratic candidates.
I mean, you know, honestly, a great example that had been a lot of veteran candidates, right?
There was plenty of veteran organizations that have popped up over the last few years and beyond
that are running more Democratic veteran candidates, right? And it used to be like, oh, you know,
Republicans said, oh, you know, we're the strong military, you know, party and, you know, we,
only we can run the good veterans. And that's become the exact opposite where a lot of veterans
that we've had have been winning all over because they've looked around and said, you know, I don't
want to send a bunch of people to war and you guys lie to the American public when you're like,
oh, no more wars, no more wars. And then, you know, stuff of the ran happens, right? Like it's,
like you're just starting to see some of those trends change a little bit where I think all the
sudden you're starting to see Democrats, or at least people identify as a Democrat who maybe 10,
15 years ago wouldn't have said the same thing, right? And, you know, whatever expands our tent
and brings in more of the independent centers, you know, voters that are out there, I'm good
with that, right? And then that's how you win places like Texas and other states that we have a
harder time winning, right? I mean, I don't think going super left wins in places, right? I mean,
sure, Mandani in New York, yeah, New York is a liberal bastard, right? It's New York, right?
Of course, but no one's going to convince me that you could run Mandani in Texas and win, right?
Like I just, I don't see that. Yeah, it's interesting, though, because stepping away from all of this,
it's the money, right? When Beto was in the race, it forced Republicans to spend a lot of money on
Ted Cruz. It also ended up, you know, causing Democrats to waste a lot of money on Beto. It goes
both ways. I guess they sort of canceled themselves out when you think about it. But do you think
Taloriko is going to force Republicans to spend real money to defend Texas to cycle, regardless
of who the candidate is? I mean, well, first of all, I mean, Republicans are already spending
money, right? Because I mean, they were either spending money on Kornin or Paxton or both,
right? I mean, certainly some people were definitely spending money on Wesley, too. But I think,
you know, look, I think normally my answer to this question would be, you know, if I didn't think
we had any shot in any chance and there wasn't a chance of a perfect storm, my answer would be
stop worrying about Texas, don't pay attention to it. And, you know, we've got 36 governors races
that are coming up, you know, if you're worried about the Senate, you should look at North Carolina
and Maine, Alaska, Ohio, you know, we got to protect Georgia, we got to protect seats that have,
you know, open primaries right now for New Hampshire and Michigan, things like that, right? And
I think that still remains true, right? Like, I mean, you know, I will say I advise plenty of donors
who did some of which donated to James and their supporting James, but there are plenty of them
who I think also are very hesitant to jump into a Texas Senate race, right? Like, they would rather
probably put money into these 36 governors races or North Carolina with Roy Cooper or, you know,
whoever shakes out in Maine, Alaska, things like that. And, you know, look, I think what Republicans
have done a masterful job of, and you have to give them credit, right? They've done a masterful job
of getting Democrats to spend money in states and races that we don't have a chance of winning, right?
The Beto example was a great example where we dumped God knows how much money into that race.
Over 100 billion, yeah. Right. And like, the logic always becomes,
if we didn't spend all that money there, could we have spent it somewhere else and actually
have won in those places, right? Now, look, 26 is a weird version of that, right? Because,
you know, we have to win the house, and there's a ton of districts that we could win,
obviously with all the gerrymandering fight that's happened, right? You know, we, we really need
to take the house, and it's our best chance to really put a check on the Trump administration
by winning that house, right? You know, I think the governor's races are just as important,
given that, I mean, we have seen that governors have been the ones that have been standing up
to this administration since day one, whether it's filing lawsuits or, you know, frankly,
like doing something you need to do in their own states, you know, dealing with the ice
insurgency and all this other stuff that's happening. I mean, you know, those races are critical
and super, super important for us. And, you know, I think to certain donors, they're saying,
well, you know, I could put money into ex-Governor's race, and that's protecting an entire state versus
putting it into a Senate race that we might or may not win, right? And I think that's, that's the
question mark. I think if we can get us into a position where, again, this perfect storm does
happen, where maybe it is packed in, that it's packed in versus Celarico, and, you know, Republicans
come out of that runoff, super bloodied, a lot of bad blood. James can, you know, kind of
be this middle of the road, you know, you don't like either of them, or maybe you don't like them
enough that you want to show up for them, and we get all of our folks out. I think then, yeah,
like I said, in that situation, that could be money well spent. But, again, that's requiring a
lot of things to go right versus, you know, North Carolina. If you dump a ton of money into Roy
Cooper's race, I think we have a really good chance at North Carolina, right? No one's going to
tell me that we don't have a better chance in North Carolina than we do in Texas, right? We just,
we just do, right? But it's about priorities. It's about making sure that we have the right money
put all over to win everywhere. I mean, look, I'd love for the Democrats' idea of that 50 state
strategy to be a thing and be real and successful. But, you know, we also have to be smart and
practical about how we use our resources and where we use our resources. And, you know, I don't think
we were smart and wise and how we have spent it in Texas in the past. I don't think that by putting
it into certain races in the country that we've been previously, that we've done a good job spending
money. I think it's about, can we do that correctly this time and potentially win?
Yeah. I am wondering, though, the Trump factor of it all, once he puts his finger on the scale,
whether it's for Paxton or Kornin, is that going to make it much more difficult for Tallarigor?
Can we assume that Tallarigor has taken back Trump's gains in parts of Texas with Hispanics?
And that it really won't have that same impact. It's had an prior election.
I think if you asked a lot of folks on the other side of the aisle, they are, you know, they thought
for sure it was a done deal. He was going to endorse Paxton. It was going to be a thing.
And then, I mean, yeah, it was really, really close. But Kornin, by all accounts, whether it was
on the polling side or to turn out wise, you know, Kornin in the end, you know, surprised people,
right? He did better than people thought he was going to do. I mean, look, I quote that line
about Trump always loving the winners side of things, right? I mean, Trump loves a winner, right?
I think the reason that Trump never endorsed anybody yet is because he hasn't want to back the
person that doesn't win, right? Now, obviously, I think whoever he picks probably ends up winning the
runoff, right? Whether that's Kornin under Paxton, I think whoever he picks is going to win the runoff,
right? Now, I think just because that happens, the smartest thing that Democrats can do is then
not make this race all about Trump, right? I think where Jasmine, I think, may have, you know,
misstepped a little on that, was making this race all about a reboot to Trump. And like, I just,
I think this has to be about Texas, has to be about does John Kornin or Ken Paxton have the best
interest of Texans at heart, right? Versus James Tallerigo that I think makes a pretty good case
that he cares about the people of Texas and that this isn't all about Trump, right? I mean,
you know, sure, it's going to make a difference on the Republican side, but to the independent
and democratic voters in that state, I mean, you know, I think it's about, you know, gas prices are
going to be what they are, you know, price to grow at the grocery store is going to be what it is,
health care is going to be what it is, right? I think, you know, the right person messaging that
they can be the one to actually help serve the people of Texas that way versus the, you know,
I'm going to bow down to Trump. That's not the right message on the Republican side. I think
you're going to see that the second after Trump throws the support behind one person, you know,
they'll use that to, you know, obviously get a bunch of money to get thrown into that one person,
they'll use it to help with certain turnout, come election time. But really, I think
they're going to then pivot to just starting to attack Democrats and attacking James. It's not
going to be about, oh, you know, vote for me because I'm the biggest Maga Loyalist. That's just
to win the runoff, right? That's not going to be how it is for the general, right? Just for the
wrong half, who's the one that's, you know, the anointed one, as they'd say, by Trump?
But it doesn't really matter. Yeah, I mean, it's interesting because the Kamala Harris
endorsement didn't work in the beginning, you know, it didn't work for Jasmine. And do you think
that if Tallergo goes even further and he sort of rejects the establishment of the party? He hasn't
done that yet, but to go after Biden, to go after Kamala Harris, which do you think that will help him
in the general? I don't think he needs to. I think, like I said, I think the more he talks about
Texas and Texas values and talks about what's going to help the people of Texas, the better chance he
has, right? Like I said, I view Kamala Harris as completely irrelevant to this race. I think,
you know, there's no point in talking about Biden or the other stuff. Like in the end, like, you
know, as much as Trump wants to blame Biden for every single thing that goes wrong or is going
wrong with his administration, I mean, a lot of these things are his own doing, right? Like Joe Biden
didn't decide to bomb Iran and then now seeing what gas prices are, right? Like Joe Biden didn't
decide to, you know, send ice to all of these cities and, you know, cause a lot of backlash,
right? Like Joe Biden, you know, isn't mentioned, you know, I was 36,000 whatever times in the Epstein
files, right? Like it's these are all things that have nothing to do with Joe Biden and
frankly, nothing new, Kamala Harris either that like this idea that, you know, that for some reason
that a Democrat should be responding to it the same way that Trump does, I think it doesn't make any
sense. I think I think Telluriko should be talking about the issues that matter to Texas, whether
that's, you know, affordability being the issue, healthcare being the issue, generally just,
you know, economic things. I mean, you know, as well as the, you know, the caravan wise, the economy
is stupid, right? Like, you know, just like I would rather-
The capability, the thing that Trump, the Trump that calls a hope, you can't talk about.
Yeah, I mean, he calls you to hoax all he wants, but it's what he ran on to win in 24 and he
isn't done a damn thing about it since, right? So I mean, look, in the end, I want whether it's James
or frankly any candidate around the country to be talking about the issues that matter to people
because I think that's how work it away. Yeah, okay, here's a question from T Hamilton,
007. Thanks for tuning in. Does Alex think Democrats can win the House and Senate in midterm?
Thank you both. House, I think absolutely. I think we've got a great chance to house and,
you know, I want to, again, give another shout out to the governor side of things too. And like,
I know that gets lost in the shuffle sometimes between the House and Senate, but I think we've
got a great chance at winning a lot of these governors races. House, I think we have a great chance.
On the Senate side, look, I think North Carolina, Maine, Alaska, you know, I think Ohio is kind of
on the bubble, right? You know, I think those are races that we have a really, really good chance at,
right? You want to then throw Texas in the mix. Like I said, perfect storm. Let's see what happens.
But North Carolina, Maine, Alaska, Ohio, I mean, those are places where I think we have a really,
really good chance if we play our cards, right? We've got obviously a stellar candidate in North
Carolina with Roy Cooper, you know, Maine, I think depending on how that primary shakes out,
either one will emerge as a great candidate for us to hopefully win in that state. And, you know,
I think Alaska, you know, certainly I think we've got a chance there. Ohio, you know, look,
shared Brown running again. It means that that's a real thing. I think I wish more people would have
paid attention to Ohio of the last few years. I mean, certainly, you know, look, I would have
loved for I like Tim Ryan to have run for governor there and have been on the ticket for that at the
same time. But certainly I really think, you know, that's a state that if we're talking about where
affordability matters and we're talking about where some of the impacts of some of the things that
Trump has done Republicans have done of the last few years, you know, Ohio definitely feels it.
I think a guy like Sheriff Brown definitely understands that, you know, and I think, you know,
that's something we should look at. But then again, like I said, you know, we've got to hold on to
Georgia, right? You know, we have to hold on to the Michigan seat. So whoever shakes out of that
primary too, right? You know, and you know, places like New Hampshire. So, you know, I would say
the range for us on the Senate side is anywhere between 49 seats and 51 seats, right? Wow.
I think I think 49 is the low end and I think 51 is the high end. I don't think we're going above
that. Okay, here's a question from Jesus Costa. Will the Republicans be able to come together after
a bruising primary? Great question. I assume this is speaking just to Texas, right? I mean, look, I
think what's the old adage that Democrats fall in love, Republicans fall in line, right? I think
that has been a consistent thing that has happened. Certainly, I think the the maggot stuff is definitely
thrown a little bit of a wrench in that normally. But, you know, it's hard for me to imagine that
regardless of who wins in Texas, that the Texas Republicans don't, you know, come together and say,
okay, great, time to go beat the Democrat, right? You know, I think it also depends on who is at
the top of the ticket, right? And, you know, who Trump picks, right? I mean, if Trump goes with
Corning, well, Corning's been there forever, right? And he is the tried and true person there.
I think a lot of people who would have been packed in supporters, I think they will go with
Corning because of that. I think it's the other way around, though, of like, do Corning
supporters necessarily go with Paxton, right? I mean, I think obviously, you know, they're much
more traditional Republican, right? They are the, like, staff, right? They have the establishment
Republican, right? Do they go with it? I mean, that to be clear, that same establishment type of
Republican wanted Ken Paxton gone only a year or two ago, right? So, I mean, this idea that,
like, they're going to get behind him, maybe. I mean, I think most of them are going to get
in line behind the Republican because that's what Republicans do. But I'd love to pick away
at some of them to not necessarily come out and vote for James. It's great as that would be,
don't get me wrong. Like, if they want to hold their nose and say, I don't agree with them all
the time, but, you know, I can agree with him 70% of the time and that's better than Paxton.
I'll take it. But I also happily take that they just stay home and don't vote, right?
I mean, choose the couch, kids. Yeah, absolutely, right? I mean, I mean, I don't have a problem
with a bunch of them want to stay home because they're mad that they're Republican Ken that it didn't
win. That's fine by me. Whatever helps us win. Yeah, I mean, two sets of voters already rejected
Kornan in the first round of voting. And is that really survivable? Yeah, I mean, well, yeah,
I mean, and it's a good way to think about it, right? That like, you know, however many votes Paxton
got, however many votes Wesley got, right? Those are people saying I would rather have one of these
people over John Kornan, right? Now, you can argue that just because of that doesn't mean that
everybody who voted for Wesley wants to then have Paxton, right? I mean, that's true. A lot of them
may have just said, I don't want John Kornan, but I definitely don't want Ken Paxton, right? Like,
I think there's plenty of people on that side that probably think that. And it's a question of,
okay, do those folks go one way or the other? I mean, I can see a bunch of those voters going to
Kornan. That wouldn't shock me, right? Because in the end, you know, they may not love Kornan,
but if they hate Paxton, they're like, well, that's that's a bridge too far for me. But like I said,
they want to stay home. I'm also fine with that. If you had to put money on the runoff,
today, who wins? Whoever A, whoever Trump endorses, but I mean, like I said, I think Trump wants a
winner, right? I think it would be hard for me to imagine after Kornan outperforming that he
doesn't now have a window to get Trump's endorsement and win. But I also, like, it's such a wild card,
because I think it's all about who whispers and says the right thing at the right time, right? I mean,
the thing that obviously Ken Paxton has been running on has been that like, I'm the true
MAGA loyalist, I'm the true MAGA, you know, whenever, right? And I mean, you know, how much of this
is a loyalty thing versus a winning thing, right? And by the way, yeah, Kornan and them may have,
you know, bashed heads on a couple of things here and there, but overwhelmingly, Kornan's voted
with Trump's stuff almost every time, right? So like, I mean, you can't really say that Kornan
hasn't been a Trump and MAGA loyalist either, right? By that regard. So like, I don't know, I think
it's hard for me to imagine that he doesn't want to pick the winner in this race because he
hates losing, as we well know. So I don't know. I mean, I think if I'm the Democrats looking at this,
I don't want it to be Kornan. I want it to be Paxed, right? And I think if we as a Democrat
is saying that, I think the smart people are saying, well, then maybe he should be just like
they were hoping it would be Jasmine, right? They were hoping Jasmine. But I find it very,
because I know that the swamp very well. You know, Jeff Roe is an enemy of Chris Lasavita.
Chris Lasavita was Trump's co-campaign manager, former co-campaign manager who's working with
John Kornan. You would think because of his relationship with Trump, he would have been able to
get Trump to give an endorsement to Kornan. And Trump supposedly does not like Jeff Roe because of
whatever Lasavita has whispered in his ear about Jeff Roe. And Jeff Roe was working on Paxing's
campaign. But currently, Trump doesn't really care about these political consultants. He's just like,
I don't want to lose. He would give me politics. So what have you done for me lately?
I mean, I think it's a what have you done for me lately business? It's a lot of these like,
we've talked about this. There's plenty of former Trump ex person you'd have filled in the blank,
right? I mean, do we think that Donald Trump is calling up former whoever and saying, hey,
you know, what do you think about this? Of course, he does actually look a little weird like that.
He has reporters for sure. I don't I don't know about if every single former Trump ever person who's
in the weeds on campaign. It shows you how close they actually are to Trump. And you know
in Washington, everyone is selling access. That is what their business says. There's one last question
we are going to take from you awesome audience participants. What did the Democratic turnout in Texas
tell us about the midterms? I think Alex. So good question. Look, I think there is definitely
Democratic enthusiasm for sure. I mean, you know, I make it my business to go to as many states
in a year as humanly possible to not just be the inside the beltway only here about what happens
here. And you know, I mean, this is anecdotal for sure. But every whether it's Uber driver,
hotel worker or you know, bar bartender, waitress waiter, whatever, you know, like, I mean,
I talked to all of them and always say like, you know, like, who you vote for? Who'd you vote for
for the last election? Like, you know, what do you think about what's going on? You know,
what issues do you care about? And, you know, you're definitely starting to see a little bit of a
shift. I think, you know, over the last year, certainly when Trump first took over in January,
I think Democrats were in the absolute toilet. Like there was there was nowhere lower where we could
have gone for how people thought about Democrats at that point. And I think, you know, we definitely
stumbled over the last year as a party. And, you know, I think stuff was somehow how we handled
the shutdown or just, you know, up against Trump, you know, this idea of, you know, people
didn't like what Democrats stood for. They didn't like how we fought or didn't fight, right?
I think that over the last certainly four or five months, that's definitely changed, right?
I think people are starting to see Democrats actually standing up or things starting to really
fight, starting to really say, you know, what is this is not what you were promised and they lied to
you. And this is just a giant grift on the Republican side. And I think Democrats are starting to
finally get that if we talk about the issues that matter, if we focus on those issues that matter,
if we put up candidates that are authentic and, you know, actually represent these folks.
And if we don't take the bait, frankly, and run down every single rabbit hole that they throw at us,
that chances are that Trump and the Republicans are going to do enough to kind of bury themselves
and say enough stupid things or do enough stupid things that people are going to go,
whoa, I didn't sign up for this or like, that's definitely not what I wanted. And like at least the
other side is talking about things that I care about, right? You know, I think, you know,
one of the things that we've talked about with folks previously and a lot of my donors have
cared about, I mean, there's been a ton of special elections since Trump took over and Democrats are
winning there all the time, right? It's all around the country. We've been winning those special
elections, right? Now look, you can argue that we're a lot better as a party when, you know, the
eye of Sara on focuses on one specific thing. And sure, that's a really good criticism. But
I think that we're winning in places in these special elections that we don't necessarily
normally win in. And that's a direct reflection on Trump and the Republicans and how they are
quote unquote, governing or not governing, right? So, you know, I think Texas and the special
elections and other places around the country are just representation that I think people are pissed.
I think, you know, I've got one donor that always says that people are broke, scared and pissed,
right? And I think that's a really good thing to understand what the average person
America thinks and feels right now. And I think Democrats are showing that they're the only party
that's really focusing on ways to help people versus, you know, either trying to get rich off the
American people or off some giant grift or, you know, not releasing things like the Epstein files
or dropping a bunch of bombs and then starting another war to release. I think as a national party,
they've had a hard time actually coming up with any great ideas except anti-Trump resistance.
But I do think you're right within the states and it these, within these, these candidates are
the ones who are speaking to the people on the ground that at a national level, I haven't seen
anything too inspiring or too great coming out of control. I mean, there's that line consistently
that about Democrats that I use all the time is that we're really great at snatching defeat
from the jaws of victory, right? So, like, just to be clear, this isn't over, right? Like,
just because we had a good showing and we got the right candidate in Texas doesn't mean that A,
we necessarily win Texas, right? It also doesn't necessarily mean that we win midterms. Like, we have
a lot of work to do, right? We have a lot of money that needs to be raised. We have a lot of
messaging that needs to be done, you know, we have to keep fighting on the ground in these states
and doing what matters. But, you know, like I said, as long as we keep putting up the right candidates
talking about the right issues and as long as Trump and the Republicans on that side keep doing
what they're doing, I think we have a really good chance, right? And, you know, look, I don't want us
to then get into that mindset of, okay, now we should just pat ourselves the back and we all,
you know, get to say, we, you know, mission accomplished, we're all good and done here. Like,
no, because then we got 28 and then we have to focus on 30 and 32, right? Like, we need to be the
party that doesn't just always live in win-now mode, right? Yeah. I mean, I'm obviously a big sports
fan and, you know, I always, you know, I happen to have certain teams that are always in win-now mode,
right? And that's great for sports, but it's not great for politics, right? I mean, if we're always
in win-now mode versus like, how do we build for long-term success? That's how you get to where
the Republicans work, right? Like, Trump becoming president in 16 was after decades of long-term
plan, right? The idea of Project 2010. Oh, yeah. Run a similar Trump, but Republicans itself,
think about it. I mean, I have something that was born out of chaos. I don't think that was
born out of strategy. No, I think Trump was a vessel for what showed up in 16. Did they think
in 16 it was going to be Trump? No, they were like, it's going to be Jeb Bush or Ted Cruz or
it's going to be one of these guys are going to do that, right? Like, they didn't think it was
going to be Trump. He became a vessel that inherited decades worth of serious infrastructure
and long-term planning that Republicans did, right? We haven't had a version of that. I mean,
listen, Project 2025 is a great example. That's not something that just came out of thin air.
That's something that's been worked on for a long time, right? That's long-term planning.
Democrats, like, we need to be in that mindset and that mentality. I want us to win the midterms,
absolutely, but then we got to figure out how do we win the next one, the next one, the next one,
and plan that out. You're actually exhausting me right now. Alex, thank you so much for coming
on the show. I can pull from everyone who's commenting. They are really enjoying it, and I thank
you all for joining. And the way to support this show is to hit the subscribe button.
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it real. We don't need to spend sound. That's right. Thank all of you. And well, we'll do this again
soon. Hi, I'm Tamsen Fidel, journalist and author of How to Menopause and host of the Tamsen
Show, a weekly podcast with your roadmap to midlife and beyond. We covered all from dating to divorce,
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